The bill
Less Bureaucracy, Better International Education Oversight Act
HR. 9603, 119th Congress — read as touching For-Profit Education & Student Loans.
Sponsored by
Rep. Wilson, Joe [R-SC-2]
ID: W000795
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 9603, 119th Congress — read as touching For-Profit Education & Student Loans.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Education" section, p. 359-361 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 20 - 16.
July 14, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
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2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**HR 9603: Less Bureaucracy, Better International Education Oversight Act** *Or: How to Fix a Problem That Doesn’t Exist by Moving Paperwork from One Broken Desk to Another*
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated goal of HR 9603 is to “reduce bureaucracy” and improve oversight of international education programs by transferring authority over Title VI of the Higher Education Act (foreign language and area studies programs) and the Fulbright-Hays fellowships from the Department of Education to the Department of State. In reality, this is a bureaucratic shell game dressed up as reform—like moving deck chairs on the Titanic while insisting it’ll make the ship more aerodynamic. The bill claims State Department oversight will bring “better coordination” with foreign policy goals, but its true purpose appears to be ideological: shifting soft power and academic diplomacy into the hands of career diplomats who view universities as recruitment grounds for spies and propaganda outlets, not centers of critical inquiry.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** - **Section 2** transfers all functions of the Secretary of Education related to Title VI programs and Fulbright-Hays to the Secretary of State. It also repeals Part C of Title VI—the Institute for International Public Policy—a minor but symbolic nod to diversity initiatives, likely targeted for elimination under the guise of streamlining. - **Section 3** grants the Secretary of State all existing legal authorities previously held by the Secretary of Education over these programs. - **Section 4** mandates the transfer of personnel, budgets, contracts, and records—though capped by OMB to prevent net federal hiring growth (a meaningless constraint when you’re just shuffling the same people). - **Sections 5–8** handle the mechanical transfer: OMB oversight (to pretend this isn’t expanding government), delegation rules, legal reference updates (so every mention of “Ed Dept” now means “State Dept”), and savings clauses to avoid disrupting ongoing grants—because even cynics know you don’t piss off mid-grant academics unless you want lawsuits.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Losers:** The Department of Education’s international education office (soon to be downsized or abolished), academic administrators who now must navigate State Department security clearances and political appointees, and scholars in niche language fields (e.g., Uzbek, Yoruba) who fear politicization of grants. - **Winners:** Diplomats who want tighter control over academic exchanges, defense/intelligence contractors who benefit from language training pipelines, and politicians who enjoy pretending that moving a line item between agencies constitutes “reform.” - **Voters/Taxpayers:** Sold a bill of goods about efficiency, while getting a lateral move that changes nothing about program effectiveness—but adds a layer of Foggy Bottom jargon and loyalty oaths.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This isn’t reform—it’s mission creep by another name. The State Department already struggles to manage its core diplomatic functions; now it’s being tasked with administering complex academic grant cycles, peer review processes, and multi-year language consortia it has no expertise in. Expect delays, politicization of fellowships (suddenly, Fulbrights go only to those who parrot the administration’s line), and a chilling effect on academic freedom as scholars self-censor to avoid offending diplomatic sensitivities. Meanwhile, the repeal of the Institute for International Public Policy—however small—signals a broader retreat from diversity and inclusion in global education. In short: a solution in search of a problem, designed to centralize control under the guise of efficiency. The real disease? The belief that moving boxes on an org chart fixes systemic stupidity. Prognosis: chronic mismanagement, worsened by misplaced confidence.
Rep. Wilson, Joe [R-SC-2]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
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Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 harmed.
Section 2 transfers functions related to international and foreign language education from the Department of Education to the Department of State, which may reduce the role of for-profit education providers in these areas.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill aligns with Project 2025's goal of transferring certain Department of Education programs to other federal agencies, specifically moving international education and language programs (Title VI and Fulbright-Hays) to the Department of State, which matches the Project 2025 directive to move programs deemed important to national security interests to the State Department."
— 326 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Restore revenue responsibility for Title I funding to the states over a 10-year period. OESE also currently manages the federal Impact Aid program, which provides fund- ing to school districts to compensate for reductions in property tax revenue due to the presence of federal property (such as that associated with a military base or tribal lands). l Eliminate Impact Aid not tied to students. l Move student-driven Impact Aid programs to the Department of Defense Education Authority (DoDEA) or the Department of Interior’s Bureau of Indian Education. l Transfer all Indian education programs to the Bureau of Indian Education. l The D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program, which provides vouchers to low-income children living in the nation’s capital—appropriate as D.C. is under the jurisdiction of Congress—should be expanded into a universal program, formula-funded, and moved to the Department of Health and Human Services. l All other programs at OESE should be block-granted or eliminated. Office of Career, Technical, and Adult Education l Transfer the Office of Career, Technical, and Adult Education’s few programs to the Department of Labor, but l Move the Tribally Controlled Postsecondary Career and Technical Education Program to the Bureau of Indian Education. Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) The Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) houses nearly two dozen programs, ranging from funding for the Individuals with Dis- abilities Education Act (IDEA) and the National Technical Institute for the Deaf to Special Olympics Funding and the American Printing House for the Blind. l Most IDEA funding should be converted into a no-strings formula block grant targeted at students with disabilities and distributed directly to local education agencies by Health and Human Service’s Administration for Community Living. — 327 — Department of Education l Transfer the Vocational Rehabilitation Grants for Native American students to the Bureau of Indian Education. l Phase out earmarks for a variety of special institutions, as originally envisioned. l To the extent that OSERS supports federal efforts to enforce our laws against discrimination of individuals with disabilities, those assets should be moved to the Department of Justice (DOJ) along with the Office for Civil Rights (OCR). Office for Postsecondary Education (OPE) l The next Administration should work with Congress to eliminate or move OPE programs to ETA at the Department of Labor. l Funding to institutions should be block-granted and narrowed to Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and tribally controlled colleges. l Move programs deemed important to our national security interests to the Department of State. Institute of Education Sciences (IES) l Move ED’s statistical office, the National Commission for Education Statistics (NCES), to the Department of Commerce’s Census Bureau. If Congress believes the federal government can play a valuable research role, those research centers can be moved to the National Science Foundation. If Congress decides to maintain IES as an independent agency, it needs to address major governance and management issues that keep it from being a productive contributor to the knowledge base related to teaching and learning. Office of Federal Student Aid (FSA) l The next Administration should completely reverse the student loan federalization of 2010 and work with Congress to spin off FSA and its student loan obligations to a new government corporation with professional governance and management. With a statutory charge that it preserve the federal student loan portfolio for the benefit of the taxpayers and students, this new entity would be (1) profession- ally governed by an agency head and board of trustees appointed by the President
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on transferring international education programs from the Department of Education to the State Department, while the Project 2025 policy emphasizes expanding school choice via tax credits, allowing states to opt out of federal K–12 programs, and reforming higher education accreditation. There is minimal thematic overlap, as the bill does not address school choice, state opt-out mechanisms, or accreditation reform."
— 351 — Department of Education as the Educational Choice for Children Act. This bill would create a federal scholarship tax credit that would incentivize donors to contribute to nonprofit scholarship granting organizations (SGOs). Eligible families could then use that funding from the SGOs for their children’s education expenses including private school tuition, tutoring, and instructional materials. ADDITIONAL K–12 REFORMS Allowing States to Opt Out of Federal Education Programs. States should be able to opt out of federal education programs such as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. Much of the red tape and regulations that hinder local school districts are handed down from Washington. This regulatory burden far exceeds the federal government’s less than 10 percent financing share of K–12 education. In the most recent fiscal year (FY 2022), states and localities financed 93 percent of K–12 education costs, and the federal government just 7 percent. That 7 percent share should not allow the federal government to dictate state and local education policy. l To restore state and local control of education and reduce the bureaucratic and compliance burden, Congress should allow states to opt out of the dozens of federal K–12 education programs authorized under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and instead allow states to put their share of federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. This policy has been advanced over the years via a proposal known as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM HEA: Accreditation Reform Congress established two primary responsibilities for the U.S. Department of Education in the HEA: 1) to ensure the “administrative capacity and financial responsibility” of colleges and universities that accept Title IV funds; and 2) to ensure the quality of those institutions. Congress did not endow the Department of Education with the authority to involve itself in academic quality issues relating to colleges and universities that participate in the Title IV student aid program; the HEA allows the agency only to recognize accreditors, which are then supposed to provide quality assurance measures. Unfortunately, the Biden Administration has followed closely in the footsteps of the Obama Administration by engaging in a politically motivated and incon- sistent administration of the accrediting agency recognition process. As a result, accreditors have transformed into de facto government agents. Despite claims by — 352 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise the department and accreditation agencies that accreditation is voluntary, the fact that Americans are denied access to an otherwise widely available entitle- ment benefit if the institution “elects” to not be accredited makes accreditation anything but voluntary. Today, accreditation determines whether Americans can access federal student aid benefits, transfer academic credits, enroll in higher-level degree programs, and even qualify for federal employment. Unnecessarily focused on schools in a specific geographic region, institutional accreditation reviews have also become wildly expensive audits by academic “peers” that stifle innovation and discourage new institutions of higher education. Of par- ticular concern are efforts by many accreditation agencies to leverage their Title IV (student loans and grants) gatekeeper roles to force institutions to adopt policies that have nothing to do with academic quality assurance and student outcomes. One egregious example of this is the extent to which accreditors have forced col- leges and universities, many of them faith-based institutions, to adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies that conflict with federal civil rights laws, state laws, and the institutional mission and culture of the schools. Perhaps more distress- ingly, accreditors, while professing support for academic freedom and campus free speech, have presided over a precipitous decline in both over the past decade. Despite maintaining criteria that demand such policies, accreditors have done nothing to dampen the illiberal chill that has swept across American campuses over the past decade. The current system is not working. A radical overhaul of the HEA’s accreditation requirements is thus in order. The next Administration should work with Congress to amend the HEA and should consider the following reforms: l Prohibit accreditation agencies from leveraging their Title IV gatekeeper role to mandate that educational institutions adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies. l Protect the sovereignty of states to decide governance and leadership issues for their state-supported colleges and universities by prohibiting accreditation agencies from intruding upon the governance of state-supported educational institutions. l Protect faith-based institutions by prohibiting accreditation agencies from: 1. Requiring standards and criteria that undermine the religious beliefs of, or require policies or conduct that conflict with, the religious mission or religious beliefs of the institution; and
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on transferring international education programs from the Department of Education to the State Department, which does not directly address Project 2025's goals of reforming accreditation, student loans, or reducing federal oversight of religious colleges. While both involve Department of Education restructuring, the specific policy objectives differ significantly."
— 353 — Department of Education 2. Intruding on the governance of colleges and universities controlled by a religious organization. l Revamp the system for recognizing accreditation agencies for Title IV purposes by removing the department’s monopoly on recognition by (1) authorizing states to recognize accreditation agencies for Title IV gatekeeping purposes and/or (2) authorizing state agencies to act as accreditation agencies for institutions throughout the United States. The next Administration and Congress might also consider amending the HEA to remove accreditors from the program triad entirely to allow accreditation to return to its original role of voluntary quality assurance. This would permit accreditors to put some “teeth” back into their standards without creating high- stakes disasters, such as institutional loss of Title IV access through paperwork submission errors, a state exercising its constitutional authority to administer its public colleges and universities, or an institution freely exercising the religious beliefs of its founders. With this option, neither the department nor the states would oversee or recognize accrediting agencies. The department’s role would be limited to evaluating the institution’s compliance with federal accounting requirements pursuant to evaluations conducted by appropriately credentialed auditors who have no conflicts of interest in performing the review paid for by the federal agency charged with overseeing compliance—not the institutions being reviewed. HEA: Student Loans l Beyond immediate policy moves and rulemaking to end the current Administration’s abuse of the department’s payment pause and HEA loan forgiveness programs, the department should work with Congress to overhaul the federal student loan program for the benefit of taxpayers and students. The federal government does not have the proper incentives to make sound lending decisions. The new Administration should consider: l Privatizing all lending programs, including subsidized, unsubsidized, and PLUS loans (both Grad and Parent). This would allow for market prices and signals to influence educational borrowing, introducing consumer-driven accountability into higher education. Pell grants should retain their current voucher-like structure. — 354 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise If privatizing student lending is not feasible, then the next Administration should consider the following reforms: l Switch to fair-value accounting from FCRA accounting. l Consolidate all federal loan programs into one new program that a) utilizes income-driven repayment, b) includes no interest rate subsidies or loan forgiveness, c) includes annual and aggregate limits on borrowing, and d) includes skin in the game to hold colleges accountable. l Eliminate Grad PLUS loans (for graduate students) and Parent PLUS loans (for parents of undergraduates). Graduate students are already eligible for unsubsidized Stafford student loans; Grad PLUS loans are redundant. They also lack some of the safeguards of Stafford loans, such as annual and aggregate borrowing limits. Parent PLUS loans are also redundant because there are many privately provided alternatives available. l The Public Service Loan Forgiveness program, which prioritizes government and public sector work over private sector employment, should be terminated. Whatever Congress chooses to do with future loans, there is still the question of the government’s responsible stewardship of the existing student loan portfolio—a substantial taxpayer asset. The current Administration has recklessly engaged in the policy fetish of forgiving and canceling student loans with abandon. l The next Administration should work with Congress to amend the HEA to ensure that no Administration engages in this kind of abuse in the future. l Specifically, the new Administration should urge the Congress to amend the HEA to abrogate, or substantially reduce, the power of the Secretary to cancel, compromise, discharge, or forgive the principal balances of Title IV student loans, as well as to modify in any material way the repayment amounts or terms of Title IV student loans. l Further, the next Administration should propose that Congress amend the HEA to remove the department’s authority to forgive loans based on borrower defense to repayment; instead, the department
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.