The bill
Youth AI Privacy Act
S. 4199, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
Sponsored by
Sen. Markey, Edward J. [D-MA]
ID: M000133
Follow the money
The bill
S. 4199, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
22 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Federal Trade Commission" section, p. 908-910 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Ordered to be reported with an amendment in the nature of a substitute favorably.
August 4, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The full Senate will vote on whether to pass the bill.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**Youth AI Privacy Act (S. 4199) – Summary & Analysis**
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of the Youth AI Privacy Act is to protect minors from the psychological, emotional, and privacy risks posed by AI chatbots. Congress claims to be alarmed by teens forming emotional attachments to algorithms, disclosing intimate details to soulless language models, and, in tragic cases, being nudged toward self-harm by poorly designed AI. The bill frames itself as a noble intervention—saving children from digital predators wearing the friendly face of a chatbot. But let’s be honest: this is less about altruism and more about politicians seeing a shiny new tech panic to exploit for headlines and campaign donations, while ignoring the fact that parents are too busy or clueless to monitor what their kids are actually doing online.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill would require any entity deploying an AI chatbot accessible to minors to implement “safe design features,” including: - Limiting manipulative engagement tactics (e.g., excessive push notifications, unprompted messages, typing indicators designed to create false urgency). - Prohibiting anthropomorphic design that tricks users into believing they’re chatting with a real person (e.g., fake names, avatars, backstories). - Banning covert advertising embedded in chatbot responses—ads so subtly woven into “advice” that even a sharp adult might miss them, let alone a 14-year-old. - Mandating data minimization: prohibiting retention of minors’ input data for model training or profiling without explicit, verifiable parental consent. - Requiring clear, conspicuous disclosures that the user is interacting with an AI, not a human, repeated at regular intervals during extended conversations. - Empowering the FTC to enforce compliance, with penalties for violations treated as unfair or deceptive acts under existing consumer protection law.
This doesn’t create a new regulatory agency—it just shoves the FTC into another impossible mission: policing the emotional design choices of every chatbot startup from Silicon Valley to a dorm room in Belarus.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Deployers/Developers:** Any company offering an AI chatbot likely to be used by minors—think Character.AI, Replika, or even Snapchat’s My AI—would need to overhaul engagement mechanics and data practices. Startups will scream about innovation being strangled; incumbents will quietly comply while lobbying for loopholes. - **Minors:** Supposed beneficiaries, though many will simply lie about their age (as they do now) or migrate to unregulated platforms overseas. - **Parents:** Given false reassurance that the government is “handling it,” reducing their incentive to actually talk to their kids about digital literacy or monitor usage. - **FTC:** Handed another unfunded mandate to regulate a fast-moving, global tech sector with limited expertise and even less resources. Good luck. - **Advertisers & Data Brokers:** Lose a shiny new vector for covertly targeting vulnerable youth with psychologically tailored ads—boo-hoo.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** In theory, this could reduce emotional manipulation, curb addictive design, and protect minors’ privacy. In practice? - **Short-term:** Companies will slap on superficial compliance—adding a “I am an AI” banner no one reads—while continuing to optimize for engagement behind the scenes. - **Long-term:** If enforced rigorously, it might slow the worst abuses, but it won’t stop determined teens from seeking connection wherever they can find it—even if it’s with a predictive text model that occasionally suggests they jump off a bridge. - **Broader implication:** This bill treats symptoms (creepy chatbots) while ignoring the disease: a generation of kids raised on screens, starved for real human connection, and handed over to algorithms because adults are too distracted, overwhelmed, or indifferent to provide it themselves.
Ultimately, the Youth AI Privacy Act is a well-intentioned bandage on a bullet wound—admirable in its concern,
Sen. Markey, Edward J. [D-MA]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
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Total contributions: $59
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Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 harmed.
Section 4 requires deployers to disclose that users are not interacting with a human and that content is generated by AI, which may negatively impact the business model of big tech platforms that rely on AI chatbots. Section 5 also prohibits advertising and promotion to minors, which could limit revenue streams for these companies.
Section 4 and 5 impose regulations on the development and deployment of AI chatbots, which could increase costs and complexity for AI and cloud infrastructure providers. Section 10 also provides guidance on determining whether a deployer has knowledge that a user is a minor, which could lead to increased scrutiny and potential liability for these companies.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Markey, Edward J. [D-MA])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The Youth AI Privacy Act aligns strongly with Project 2025's FTC policy objective of protecting children online by expanding safeguards beyond COPPA to address manipulative design, data privacy, and deceptive practices affecting minors, particularly through AI chatbots. Both emphasize the FTC's role in enforcing against unfair or deceptive trade practices involving children and advocate for stronger parental consent and transparency in digital interactions."
— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back
AI Analysis:
"The Youth AI Privacy Act aligns closely with Project 2025's FTC policy by targeting deceptive and unfair practices involving minors online, particularly around data collection, manipulative design, and lack of parental consent—core concerns highlighted in the Project 2025 document regarding children's vulnerability to exploitative platform contracts and advertising."
— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.
AI Analysis:
"The Youth AI Privacy Act aligns with Project 2025's FTC section by advocating for a more proactive FTC role in addressing harms to minors from digital platforms, particularly concerning mental well-being and manipulative design, reflecting the call for recalibrating consumer protection in response to developmental risks."
— 879 — Federal Trade Commission As Judge Frank Easterbrook famously suggested, regulators should look at the cost of error in their judgments. This argument has usually been used to buttress a tentative and hands off approach to antitrust because judicial error in antitrust will persist (Type II error) and continue to damage markets, while failure to take antitrust action (Type I error) will correct itself in the long run as competitors challenge monopolies.28 However, failing to take antitrust enforcement action (Type I error) includes the possibility of real injury to the structure of important American institutions such as democratic accountability and free speech. If so, a more proactive approach may be warranted. Certain online services, such as social media, have an unquestionable negative utility, particularly on young people, as set forth above. The more “efficient” pro- vision of such services may create more unhappiness. More broadly, the utility benefits of many online platforms and services are obscure and may be significantly overstated, as the most recent evidence suggests.29 The FTC must become more sophisticated in measuring consumer surplus. In addition, the FTC should be open to behavioral explanations, such as habit and small hedonic differences, as keys to how platforms create and keep market power.30 CONCLUSION Conservative approaches to antitrust and consumer protection continue to trust markets, not government, to give people what they want and provide the prosperity and material resources Americans need for flourishing, productive, and meaningful lives. At the same time, conservatives cannot be blind to certain developments in the American economy that appear to make government–private sector collusion more likely, threaten vital democratic institutions, such as free speech, and threaten the happiness and mental well-being of many Americans, particularly children. Many, but not all, conservatives believe that these develop- ments may warrant the FTC’s making a careful recalibration of certain aspects of antitrust and consumer protection law and enforcement. AUTHOR’S NOTE: The preparation of this chapter was a collective enterprise of individuals involved in the 2025 Presidential Transition Project. All contributors to this chapter are listed at the front of this volume, but Rachel Bovard, John Ehrett, Christopher Iacovella, Jessica Melugin, and Jon Schweppe deserve special mention. The author alone assumes responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any other individual. — 880 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise ENDNOTES 1. Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890, 15 U.S.C. §§ 1–38. 2. Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914, 15 U.S.C. §§ 12–27. 3. Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914, 15 U.S.C. §§ 41–58. 4. The Robinson–Patman Act, 15 U.S.C. §§ 13, 13b, and 21a. 5. Ernest Gellhorn, “An Introduction to Antitrust Economics,” Duke Law Journal, Vol. 24, No. 1, 1975, https:// scholarship.law.duke.edu/dlj/vol24/iss1/1 (accessed March 22, 2023). 6. Charles A. Boston, “The Spirit Behind the Sherman Anti-Trust Law,” Yale Law Journal, Vol. 21, No. 5, 1912, pp. 341–371. See especially p. 348. 7. Wiliam Howard Taft, The Anti-Trust Act and the Supreme Court (New York and London: Harper & Brothers, 1914), p. 4. 8. Robert Bork, The Antitrust Paradox:A Policy at War With Itself, (Bork Publishing: 1978, 2021), p. 109. 9. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson, “Institutions as Fundamental Causes of Long-Run Growth,” Handbook of Economic Growth, Vol. 1A, No. 385-472 2005, Chapter 6, pp. 386–419. 10. Milton Friedman references his own words in his essay “A Friedman Doctrine—The Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Profits,” The New York Times, September 13, 1970, https://www.nytimes. com/1970/09/13/archives/a-friedman-doctrine-the-social-responsibility-of-business-is-to.html%20 Capitalism%20and%20Freedom (accessed March 9, 2023). 11. Federal Trade Commission, “FTC Rescinds 2015 Policy that Limited Its Enforcement Ability Under the FTC Act,” July 1, 2021, https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2021/07/ftc-rescinds-2015-policy-limited- its-enforcement-ability-under-ftc-act (accessed March 9, 2023). 12. 295 U.S. 602 (1935). 13. While not directly relevant to the constitutionality of the FTC, the Court’s grant of certiorari in Cmty. Fin. Servs. Ass'n of Am., Ltd. v. Consumer Fin. Prot. Bureau, 51 F.4th 616 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted sub nom. CFPB v. Com. Fin. Servs. Assn., No. 22-448, 2023 WL 2227658 (U.S. Feb. 27, 2023), could signal a major retreat from Humphrey’s Executor. 14. U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Oversight of Federal Enforcement of the Antitrust Laws, September 20, 2022, https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/committee-activity/hearings/oversight-of-federal-enforcement-of- the-antitrust-laws (accessed March 9, 2023). 15. Milton Friedman, “A Friedman Doctrine.” 16. Joan Luby and Sarah Kurtz, “Increasing Suicide Rates in Early Adolescent Girls in the United States and the Equalization of Sex Disparity in Suicide: The Need to Investigate the Role of Social Media,” JAMA Network Open, Vol. 2, No. 5 (2019) https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/article-abstract/2733419 (last visited March 21, 2023); Brett Burstein, “Suicidal Attempts and Ideation Among Children and Adolescents in US Emergency Departments, 2007–2015.” JAMA Pediatrics, Vol. 173, No. 6 (2019), pp. 598–600, https://jamanetwork. com/journals/jamapediatrics/articlepdf/2730063/jamapediatrics_burstein_2019_ld_190006.pdf (last visited March 21, 2023); Katherine M. Keyes, Dahsan Gary, et al., “Recent Increases in Depressive Symptoms Among U.S. Adolescents: Trends from 1991 to 2018,” Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, Vol. 54, No. 8 (2019), pp. 987–99, https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s00127-019-01697-8 (last visited March 21, 2023); Ramin Mojtabai, Mark Olfson, and Beth Han, “National Trends in the Prevalence and Treatment of Depression in Adolescents and Young Adults,” Pediatrics, Vol. 138, No. 6 (2014), https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article-abstract/138/6/ e20161878/52639/National-Trends-in-the-Prevalence-and-Treatment-of (last visited March 21, 2023); Gregory Plemmons, Matthew Hall, et. al., Hospitalization for Suicide Ideation or Attempt: 2008–2015,” Pediatrics, Vol. 141, No. 6 (2018), https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article/141/6/e20172426/37690/Hospitalization-for-Suicide- Ideation-or-Attempt (last visited March 21, 2023); Henry A. Spiller, John P. Ackerman, et al., “Sex- and Age-Specific Increases in Suicide Attempts by Self-poisoning in the United States Among Youth and Young Adults from 2000 to 2018,” Journal of Pediatrics, Vol. 210, (2019), pp. 201–208, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/ pii/S002234761930277X?casa_token=jms1NxTEV10AAAAA:Ouz_vL9ElIZ58p21w_5SuwOs0OJTNJZtCakf5O3I_ NJCcXWoBm0zDvDTvm-YB0Ma5pZhiKXN (last visited March 21, 2023); Jean M. Twenge, A. Bell Cooper, Thomas E. Joiner, et al., “Age, Period, and Cohort Trends in Mood Disorder Indicators and Suicide-related Outcomes in a Nationally Representative Dataset, 2005–2017,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Vol. 128 (2019), pp. 185–199, https://psycnet.apa.org/doiLanding?doi=10.1037%2Fabn0000410 (last visited March 21, 2023).
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
A bill to amend the Act of August 9, 1955 (commonly known as the "Long-Term Leasing Act"), to authorize leases of up to 99 years for land in the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe Reservation and land held in trust for the Wampanoag Tribe of Gay Head (Aquinnah), and for other purposes.
119/s/236
AM Radio for Every Vehicle Act of 2025
119/s/315
Children and Teens’ Online Privacy Protection Act
119/s/836