Providing for consideration of the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 42) providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Department of Energy relating to "Energy Conservation Program for Appliance Standards: Certification Requirements, Labeling Requirements, and Enforcement Provisions for Certain Consumer Products and Commercial Equipment"; providing for consideration of the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 61) providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to "National Emission Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants: Rubber Tire Manufacturing"; and providing for consideration of the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 11) providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management relating to "Protection of Marine Archaeological Resources".

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Bill ID: 119/hres/177
Last Updated: May 26, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Langworthy, Nicholas A. [R-NY-23]

ID: L000600

Follow the money

The bill

Providing for consideration of the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 42) providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Department of Energy relating to "Energy Conservation Program for Appliance Standards: Certification Requirements, Labeling Requirements, and Enforcement Provisions for Certain Consumer Products and Commercial Equipment"; providing for consideration of the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 61) providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to "National Emission Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants: Rubber Tire Manufacturing"; and providing for consideration of the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 11) providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management relating to "Protection of Marine Archaeological Resources".

HRES. 177, 119th Congress — read as touching Oil & Gas.

The sponsor

Rep. Langworthy, Nicholas A. [R-NY-23]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$141,700 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

62% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 458-460 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.

March 3, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater. Let's dissect the symptoms of this regulatory abomination.

**Diagnosis:** HRES 177 is a classic case of "Regulatory Capture Syndrome," where industries with deep pockets and influential lobbyists manipulate lawmakers to roll back environmental regulations that cramp their style.

**Symptoms:**

1. **New regulations being created or modified:** This bill is actually about disapproving existing rules, not creating new ones. It's a clever trick to make it seem like they're doing something productive while actually gutting environmental protections. 2. **Affected industries and sectors:** The usual suspects are involved: energy, manufacturing, and fossil fuel extraction. These industries have been whining about the costs of complying with regulations that protect public health and the environment. 3. **Compliance requirements and timelines:** By disapproving these rules, Congress is essentially giving industries a free pass to pollute more and ignore safety standards. The compliance timeline? Non-existent. 4. **Enforcement mechanisms and penalties:** Ha! Don't make me laugh. With this bill, enforcement will be as toothless as a politician's promise. Penalties? What penalties? 5. **Economic and operational impacts:** Let's just say that the economic benefits of deregulation will be enjoyed by the industries themselves, while the operational costs (i.e., environmental degradation, public health problems) will be borne by the rest of us.

**Treatment:** More of the same old snake oil: "We're creating jobs" and "We're promoting economic growth." Meanwhile, the real treatment is a healthy dose of campaign finance reform, stricter lobbying regulations, and politicians with spines that aren't made of Jell-O.

**Prognosis:** This bill will pass, because who needs clean air, water, or a stable climate when you can have more profits? The American people will be left to suffer the consequences of this regulatory malpractice. Mark my words: we'll be back here soon, diagnosing another case of "Regulatory Capture Syndrome" and wondering why our politicians are so eager to poison us for profit.

In conclusion, HRES 177 is a textbook example of how to write a bill that sounds good but does nothing except line the pockets of special interests. Bravo, Congress! You've managed to create a regulatory Frankenstein's monster that will haunt us all for years to come.

Related Topics

Water & Air Quality RegulationsClimate Change & Sustainability
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Langworthy, Nicholas A. [R-NY-23]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$141,700
24 donors
PACs
$9,800
Organizations
$2,500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$125,400
1
SENECA NATION OF INDIANS
2 transactions
$4,800
2
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
1 transaction
$3,300
1
THE CHICKASAW NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
2
BARCLAY DAMON LLP
2 transactions
$750
3
2504 NIAGARA FALLS BOULEVARD LLC
1 transaction
$500
4
BARRY ZEPLOWITZ & ASSOCIATES
1 transaction
$250

No committee contributions found

1
DEGEORGE, JOSEPH R.
3 transactions
$19,800
2
FISCHER, JOHN
1 transaction
$6,600
3
MEHTA, JETT
1 transaction
$6,600
4
CATSIMATIDIS, JOHN
1 transaction
$6,600
5
GRANT, CHRIS M.
1 transaction
$6,600
6
MURPHY, JOHN R.
1 transaction
$6,600
7
BERMAN, WAYNE
1 transaction
$6,600
8
CHEN, THOMAS
1 transaction
$6,600
9
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
1 transaction
$6,600
10
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
1 transaction
$6,600
11
WILLIAMS, JEFFREY D.
1 transaction
$6,600
12
FISCHER, ROBERT
1 transaction
$6,600
13
ATWAL, EPHRAIM
1 transaction
$6,600
14
CALORICO, CARLY
1 transaction
$6,600
15
DOHENY, MATT
1 transaction
$6,600
16
EISEN, JOSH
1 transaction
$6,600
17
GALANIS, TERRY
1 transaction
$6,600

Donor Network - Rep. Langworthy, Nicholas A. [R-NY-23]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 57 nodes and 30 connections (72 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $141,700

Top Donors - Rep. Langworthy, Nicholas A. [R-NY-23]

Showing top 24 donors by contribution amount

2 PACs4 Orgs1 Committee17 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 1 harmed.

  • +Oil & Gasconfidence 0.90

    Section 3 waives points of order against S.J. Res. 11, which provides for congressional disapproval of a Bureau of Ocean Energy Management rule on 'Protection of Marine Archaeological Resources'. Disapproval of this rule would reduce regulatory constraints on offshore oil and gas activities, benefiting the oil and gas industry.

  • Section 3's waiver of points of order for S.J. Res. 11 facilitates disapproval of a BOEM rule protecting marine archaeological resources, which could streamline permitting for offshore energy infrastructure such as pipelines and platforms, benefiting midstream operators.

  • Section 2 waives points of order against H.J. Res. 61, which provides for congressional disapproval of an EPA rule on 'National Emission Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants: Rubber Tire Manufacturing'. Disapproval would weaken air pollution controls for tire manufacturing, a source of hazardous emissions that could increase regulatory burden on chemical and plastics producers if the rule is seen as a baseline for similar standards.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate62.0%
Pages: 458-460

— 425 — Environmental Protection Agency are statutorily required, and remove any regulatory differences between attainment and maintenance that are not explicitly required by law. l Streamline the process for state and local governments to demonstrate that their federally funded highway projects will not interfere with NAAQS attainment. l Adopt policies to prevent abuse of EPA’s CAA “error correction” authority.20 EPA historically has used this to coerce states into adopting its favored policies on pain of imposition of a Federal Implementation Plan (FIP). l Limit EPA’s reliance on CAA § 30121 general rulemaking authority to ensure that it is not abused to issue regulations for which EPA lacks substantive authority elsewhere in the statute. l If possible, return the standard-setting role to Congress. Climate Change l Remove the Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program (GHGRP) for any source category that is not currently being regulated. The overall reporting program imposes significant burdens on small businesses and companies that are not being regulated. This is either a pointless burden or a sword-of- Damocles threat of future regulation, neither of which is appropriate. l Establish a system, with an appropriate deadline, to update the 2009 endangerment finding. l Establish a significant emissions rate (SER) for greenhouse gasses (GHGs). Regulating Hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) Under the American Innovation and Manufacturing (AIM) Act22 l Repeal Biden Administration implementing regulations for the AIM Act that are unnecessarily stringent and costly. l Refrain from granting petitions from opportunistic manufacturers to add new restrictions that further skew the market toward costlier refrigerants and equipment.

Introduction

Moderate62.0%
Pages: 458-460

— 425 — Environmental Protection Agency are statutorily required, and remove any regulatory differences between attainment and maintenance that are not explicitly required by law. l Streamline the process for state and local governments to demonstrate that their federally funded highway projects will not interfere with NAAQS attainment. l Adopt policies to prevent abuse of EPA’s CAA “error correction” authority.20 EPA historically has used this to coerce states into adopting its favored policies on pain of imposition of a Federal Implementation Plan (FIP). l Limit EPA’s reliance on CAA § 30121 general rulemaking authority to ensure that it is not abused to issue regulations for which EPA lacks substantive authority elsewhere in the statute. l If possible, return the standard-setting role to Congress. Climate Change l Remove the Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program (GHGRP) for any source category that is not currently being regulated. The overall reporting program imposes significant burdens on small businesses and companies that are not being regulated. This is either a pointless burden or a sword-of- Damocles threat of future regulation, neither of which is appropriate. l Establish a system, with an appropriate deadline, to update the 2009 endangerment finding. l Establish a significant emissions rate (SER) for greenhouse gasses (GHGs). Regulating Hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) Under the American Innovation and Manufacturing (AIM) Act22 l Repeal Biden Administration implementing regulations for the AIM Act that are unnecessarily stringent and costly. l Refrain from granting petitions from opportunistic manufacturers to add new restrictions that further skew the market toward costlier refrigerants and equipment. — 426 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Conduct realistic cost assessments that reflect actual consumer experiences instead of the current unrealistic ones claiming that the program is virtually cost-free. Mobile Source Regulation by the Office of Transportation and Air Quality l Establish GHG car standards under Department of Transportation (DOT) leadership that properly consider cost, choice, safety, and national security. l Review the existing “ramp rate” for car standards to ensure that it is actually achievable. l Include life cycle emissions of electric vehicles and consider all of their environmental impacts. l Restore the position that California’s waiver applies only to California- specific issues like ground-level ozone, not global climate issues. l Ensure that other states can adopt California’s standards only for traditional/criteria pollutants, not greenhouse gases. l Stop the use of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to increase standards on airplanes. l Reconsider the Cleaner Trucks Initiative to balance the goal of driving down emissions without creating significant costs or complex burdens on the industry. Air Permitting Reforms for New Source Review (Pre-Construction Per- mits) and Title V (Operating Permits) l Develop reforms to ensure that when a facility improves efficiency within its production process, new permitting requirements are not triggered. l Restore the Trump EPA position on Once-In, Always-In (that major sources can convert to area sources when affiliated emissions standards are met). l Revisit permitting and enforcement assumptions that sources will operate 24 hours a day, 365 days a year; this artificially inflates a source’s potential to emit (PTE), which can result in more stringent permit terms.

Introduction

Moderate61.6%
Pages: 452-454

— 419 — Environmental Protection Agency disasters in decades, including the Flint, Michigan, water crisis in 20144 and the Gold King Mine spill in 2015.5 Beyond creating such immediate and tangible harm in various communities, an EPA led by activism and a disregard for the law has generated uncertainty in the regulated community, vendetta-driven6 enforcement, weighted analytics, increased costs, and diminished trust in final agency actions. Although the U.S. environmental story is very positive, there has been a return to fear-based rhetoric within the agency, especially as it pertains to the perceived threat of climate change. Mischaracterizing the state of our environment generally and the actual harms reasonably attributable to climate change specifically is a favored tool that the Left uses to scare the American public into accepting their ineffective, liberty-crushing regulations, diminished private property rights, and exorbitant costs. In effect, the Biden EPA has once again presented a false choice to the American people: that they have to choose between a healthy environment and a strong, growing economy. Historical Role and Purpose. For many decades, rapid industrial activity with an unorganized approach to environmental standards significantly degraded the country’s environment. Particle pollution in the form of a thick, fog-like haze that at times was laced with harmful metals was a frequent occurrence across the country.7 More than 40 percent of communities failed to meet basic water quality standards, and in 1969, the Cuyahoga River infamously caught fire after sparks from a passing train ignited debris in the water, which was filled with heavy indus- trial waste.8 EPA was established on December 2, 1970, following a call by President Rich- ard Nixon to “rationally and systematically” organize existing piecemeal efforts to clean up and protect the environment.9 Under Reorganization Plan No. 3, the EPA was to initiate a “coordinated attack on the pollutants which debase the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the land that grows our food.”10 Numerous authorities were consolidated and given to the EPA including research, monitor- ing, standard-setting, and enforcement activities. The mission to protect public health and the environment was born, and the first Administrator was sworn in on December 4, 1970. Congress followed suit with the landmark Clean Air Act of 1970 (CAA)11 and the Federal Water Pollution Control Act of 1972.12 The subsequent Clean Air Act Amendments of 199013 played a significant role in the expansion of EPA’s responsi- bilities and legal authority with the agency then being tasked with the development of new regulatory mechanisms that included, among other things, cap-and-trade programs for the control of sulfur dioxide and technological standards for nitrogen oxide emissions from coal-fired power plants, a vastly expanded hazardous air pollutant program, a federal operating permit program, and new regulations gov- erning phaseout of the production of ozone-depleting substances in conjunction with U.S. ratification of the Montreal Protocol in 1988.14

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

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