To amend the FISA Amendments Act of 2008 to extend the authorities of title VII of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978, and for other purposes.
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Rep. Crawford, Eric A. "Rick" [R-AR-1]
ID: C001087
Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
On motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill Failed by the Yeas and Nays: (2/3 required): 198 - 218 (Roll no. 221).
June 10, 2026
Introduced
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
Committee Review
Floor Action
Passed House
Senate Review
Passed Congress
Presidential Action
Became Law
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2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Bill Summary
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The main purpose of HR 9238 is to extend the authorities of title VII of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) of 1978, because, you know, the surveillance state just can't get enough of our private lives. The objective? To further erode what's left of our civil liberties under the guise of "national security." How quaint.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill extends the repeal date of title VII from June 12, 2026, to July 2, 2026, because, clearly, those extra 20 days will make all the difference in keeping us safe from the boogeymen. It's a clever move, really – who needs meaningful reform when you can just kick the can down the road and pretend it's a victory for freedom?
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects: the intelligence community, law enforcement, and, of course, the lobbying firms that feed them. Oh, and let's not forget the American people, who will continue to be surveilled, spied upon, and lied to about the whole ordeal. But hey, who needs transparency when you have "national security" as a convenient excuse?
**Potential Impact & Implications:** The impact? More of the same: erosion of civil liberties, expansion of the surveillance state, and further entrenchment of the national security apparatus. The implications? A continued disregard for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and basic human decency. But hey, who needs those things when you have "security" and "fear" to peddle?
In conclusion, HR 9238 is a textbook example of legislative malpractice – a cynical attempt to perpetuate the surveillance state under the guise of "national security." It's a disease, really: a chronic case of authoritarianism, with symptoms of corruption, cowardice, and stupidity. And we're all just along for the ride, watching as our elected officials happily surrender our freedoms to the altar of fear and expediency.
Diagnosis: Terminal stupidity, with a side of malignant narcissism. Prognosis: Poor. Treatment: None, because let's face it, these people are beyond help.
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💰 Campaign Finance Network
Rep. Crawford, Eric A. "Rick" [R-AR-1]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
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Industry Impact
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 helped.
- +Telecommunications confidence 0.80
Section 1 extends the authorities of title VII of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978, which includes provisions related to surveillance and data collection, potentially benefiting telecommunications companies by maintaining existing regulations and extending their ability to cooperate with government agencies (citing Section 1(a))
- +Cybersecurity confidence 0.70
The extension of title VII authorities may also benefit cybersecurity companies, as they often work with government agencies and telecommunications companies to implement surveillance and data collection measures (citing Section 1(a))
- +Big Tech Platforms confidence 0.60
Large tech platforms may also benefit from the extension of title VII authorities, as they often cooperate with government agencies on surveillance and data collection efforts (citing Section 1(a))
Project 2025 Policy Matches
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
Introduction
AI Analysis:
"The bill's focus on extending FISA authorities aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on the importance of FISA in national security, particularly Section 702, while also highlighting the need for accountability and reforms to prevent abuses. The temporary extension of surveillance provisions reflects a moderate step towards addressing these concerns."
— 215 — Intelligence Community Hill who attempt to weaponize the use of selective intelligence to feed political narratives. l Political leaders should avoid “manipulation-by-appointment,” a practice by which intelligence leaders are selected for their policy views or political loyalties instead of their skilled expertise.24 Presidents should also avoid public rebukes and pressure from the intelligence profession, which can include intimidation and bullying, to shape IC analysis. This will be easier if IC leaders live by the norms of neutrality and thus are not seen as political actors, for whom political responses are deemed necessary. l Intelligence leaders and professionals should never “cook the books” for Presidents or change or shape their analysis to preserve access or status.25 FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE SURVEILLANCE ACT (FISA) A future President should understand the importance of FISA26 while also seek- ing reforms and accountability for any abuses of its authorities. When discussing FISA and what changes may need to be made, it is important to note and recognize that there are stark differences among the individual FISA authorities. Section 702 of FISA, for example, allows the IC to target foreign terrorists, spies, cyber hackers, and other bad actors (but only if they are non-U.S. persons) when their communications pass through the United States. While this authority may lapse if Congress does not resolve the issue by the end of 2023, Section 702 should be understood as an essential tool in the fight against terrorism, malicious cyber actors, and Chinese espionage. These are two major national security priorities for an incoming President, and it is imperative that the need to use properly main- tained and accountable authorities to counter these challenges be recognized. Section 702 is a vital program that often provides the lion’s share of intelligence used in the President’s Daily Brief (PDB).27 An independent review by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) found that it was not abused. Nev- ertheless, Congress should review the PCLOB’s upcoming 2023 report to help it determine whether any reforms or codification of recent administrative changes in FISA processes are needed. Other authorities in Title I and Title III, often referred to as “traditional” FISA, have elicited valid concerns about the politicization of intelligence collection authority in recent years. When seeking surveillance of Trump campaign adviser Carter Page, for example, the FBI and the Department of Justice concealed vital information from a specialized court and submitted applications that were riddled with errors. An incoming conservative President should consider reforms designed to prevent future partisan abuses of national security authority. A package of strong provisions to protect against such partisanship might include:
Introduction
AI Analysis:
"The bill's focus on extending FISA authorities aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on the importance of FISA in national security, particularly Section 702, which is highlighted as a vital tool against terrorism and malicious cyber actors. However, the bill does not directly address the reforms and accountability measures suggested by Project 2025."
— 215 — Intelligence Community Hill who attempt to weaponize the use of selective intelligence to feed political narratives. l Political leaders should avoid “manipulation-by-appointment,” a practice by which intelligence leaders are selected for their policy views or political loyalties instead of their skilled expertise.24 Presidents should also avoid public rebukes and pressure from the intelligence profession, which can include intimidation and bullying, to shape IC analysis. This will be easier if IC leaders live by the norms of neutrality and thus are not seen as political actors, for whom political responses are deemed necessary. l Intelligence leaders and professionals should never “cook the books” for Presidents or change or shape their analysis to preserve access or status.25 FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE SURVEILLANCE ACT (FISA) A future President should understand the importance of FISA26 while also seek- ing reforms and accountability for any abuses of its authorities. When discussing FISA and what changes may need to be made, it is important to note and recognize that there are stark differences among the individual FISA authorities. Section 702 of FISA, for example, allows the IC to target foreign terrorists, spies, cyber hackers, and other bad actors (but only if they are non-U.S. persons) when their communications pass through the United States. While this authority may lapse if Congress does not resolve the issue by the end of 2023, Section 702 should be understood as an essential tool in the fight against terrorism, malicious cyber actors, and Chinese espionage. These are two major national security priorities for an incoming President, and it is imperative that the need to use properly main- tained and accountable authorities to counter these challenges be recognized. Section 702 is a vital program that often provides the lion’s share of intelligence used in the President’s Daily Brief (PDB).27 An independent review by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) found that it was not abused. Nev- ertheless, Congress should review the PCLOB’s upcoming 2023 report to help it determine whether any reforms or codification of recent administrative changes in FISA processes are needed. Other authorities in Title I and Title III, often referred to as “traditional” FISA, have elicited valid concerns about the politicization of intelligence collection authority in recent years. When seeking surveillance of Trump campaign adviser Carter Page, for example, the FBI and the Department of Justice concealed vital information from a specialized court and submitted applications that were riddled with errors. An incoming conservative President should consider reforms designed to prevent future partisan abuses of national security authority. A package of strong provisions to protect against such partisanship might include: — 216 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Stiffer penalties and mandatory investigations when intelligence leaks are aimed at domestic political targets, l Tighter controls on otherwise lawful intercepts that also collect the communications of domestic political figures, l An express prohibition on politically motivated use of intelligence authorities, and l Reforms to improve the accountability of the Justice Department and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. To keep intelligence credentials from being used for partisan purposes, former high-ranking intelligence officials who retain a clearance should remain subject to the Hatch Act after they leave government to deter them from tying their political stands or activism to their continuing privilege of access to classified government information. The IC should be prohibited from monitoring so-called domestic disinformation. Such activity can easily slip into suppression of an opposition party’s speech, is corrosive of First Amendment protections, and raises questions about impartiality when the IC chooses not to act. CHINA-FOCUSED CHANGES, REFORMS, AND RESOURCES The term “whole of government” is all too frequently overused, but in responding to the generational threat posed by the Chinese Communist Party, that is exactly the approach that our national security apparatus should adopt. CIA Director William Burns has formally established a China Mission Center focused on these efforts, but it can be successful only if it is given the necessary personnel, cross-community collaboration, and resources. That is uncertain at this point, and just how seriously the organization is taking the staffing of the center is unclear. A critical strategic question for an incoming Administration and IC lead- ers will be: How, when, and with whom do we share our classified intelligence? Understanding when to pass things to liaisons and for what purpose will be vital to outmaneuvering China in the intelligence sphere. Questions for a President will include: l What is our overarching conception of the adversarial relationship and competition? l How does intelligence-sharing fit into that conception?
About These Correlations
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.
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