The bill
READ Act
S. 4689, 119th Congress — read as touching Teachers Unions.
Sponsored by
Sen. Cassidy, Bill [R-LA]
ID: C001075
Follow the money
The bill
S. 4689, 119th Congress — read as touching Teachers Unions.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Education" section, p. 356-358 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 549.
August 5, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
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3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**Summary of S. 4689: The READ Act (Reported in Senate, 119th Congress)**
**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The READ Act purports to address a manufactured "national literacy crisis" by doubling down on federal involvement in reading instruction under the guise of "evidence-based" and "science of reading"-aligned policies. Its stated goals include boosting literacy proficiency, supporting state implementation of reading reforms, improving teacher training, early intervention for dyslexia, closing achievement gaps, and protecting literacy research. In reality, it’s another performative federal overreach dressed in educational jargon, designed to let politicians claim they’re "doing something" about poor NAEP scores while ignoring the root causes: underfunded schools, poverty, and the demoralization of the teaching profession. The bill treats symptoms like a fever while ignoring the septic infection of systemic neglect.
**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill amends Section 2222 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) to overhaul the Comprehensive Literacy State Development Grant program. It mandates that federal literacy funds be used exclusively for instruction aligned with a narrow, rigid definition of the "science of reading"—which explicitly bans the "three-cueing model" (a method emphasizing context and meaning in word recognition). It requires states to adopt evidence-based literacy plans, invest in teacher preparation and coaching, fund early dyslexia screening, and prioritize data-driven strategies. The bill also strengthens accountability measures and directs funding toward research via the Institute of Education Sciences and comprehensive literacy centers. Essentially, it centralizes control over reading pedagogy at the federal level, privileging phonics-heavy, scripted instruction while marginalizing balanced or holistic approaches—despite evidence that effective literacy instruction requires flexibility, not dogma.
**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Students**: Forced into a one-size-fits-all phonics regimen, potentially stifling engagement and comprehension for learners who thrive with varied methods. - **Teachers**: Subjected to top-down mandates that undermine professional autonomy, requiring retraining in approved methods regardless of classroom experience or student needs. - **States & School Districts**: Must comply with federal literacy plans to access grants, trading local control for conditional funding—another unfunded mandate in disguise. - **Publishers & EdTech Companies**: Stand to profit from the mandated adoption of "science of reading"-aligned curricula, screening tools, and professional development programs. - **Researchers**: May benefit from increased federal literacy research funding—but only if their work conforms to the bill’s ideologically narrow definition of "evidence-based." - **Taxpayers**: On the hook for billions in new spending to fix a problem the federal government helped create through decades of underinvestment and punitive accountability.
**4. Potential Impact & Implications** The READ Act risks entrenching a reductive, mechanized view of reading as a technical skill to be drilled, rather than a complex, meaning-making process. By banning three-cueing—a tool used thoughtfully by many effective teachers—it replaces pedagogical judgment with ideological purity. The emphasis on standardized metrics and federal oversight will likely lead to more teaching to the test, narrowed curricula, and increased stress on educators and students. While early dyslexia screening is a worthy goal, it’s being weaponized to justify a broader agenda of curriculum control. Ultimately, this bill is less about literacy and more about asserting federal dominance over education policy, appeasing lobbying groups (like phonics advocacy organizations), and giving senators a shiny bill to wave during re-election campaigns—all while the real crisis of inequitable school funding remains untreated. It’s not a cure; it’s a placebo with side effects.
Sen. Cassidy, Bill [R-LA]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
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This bill has 5 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: H001076
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20
ID: B001299
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ID: H000273
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ID: S001184
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ID: K000377
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Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 51 nodes and 46 connections
Total contributions: $46
Showing top 20 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 1 harmed.
Section 3, subsection (f)(1)(A)(v) provides for convening and soliciting input from educators as collaborative, expert partners to advise on improving pre-service and in-service training, which may benefit teachers unions.
Section 3, subsection (f)(1)(A)(i) emphasizes the importance of pre-service training and in-service training aligned with the science of reading, which may negatively impact for-profit education providers that do not prioritize evidence-based instruction.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The READ Act focuses on improving literacy through evidence-based instruction and federal grant programs, while Project 2025 criticizes federal overreach in education and advocates reducing the Department of Education's role. Both address stagnant student achievement, particularly in reading, creating moderate thematic overlap despite differing approaches to federal involvement."
— 323 — Department of Education l Stopping executive overreach. Congress should set policy—not Presidents through pen-and-phone executive orders, and not agencies through regulations and guidance. National emergency declarations should expire absent express congressional authorization within 60 days after the date of the declaration. Bolstered by an ever-growing cabal of special interests that thrive off federal largesse, the infrastructure that supports America’s costly federal intervention in education from early childhood through graduate school has entrenched itself. But, unlike the public sector bureaucracies, public employee unions, and the higher education lobby, families and students do not need a Department of Education to learn, grow, and improve their lives. It is critical that the next Administration tackle this entrenched infrastructure. NEEDED REFORMS Federal intervention in education has failed to promote student achievement. After trillions spent since 1965 on the collective programs now housed within the walls of the department, student academic outcomes remain stagnant. On the main National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), reading out- comes on the 2022 administration have remained unchanged over the past 30 years. Declines in math performance are even more concerning than students’ lack of progress on reading outcomes. Fourth- and eighth-grade math scores saw the largest decline since the assessments were first administered in 1990. Average fourth-grade math scores declined five points, and average eighth-grade math scores declined eight points. Just one-third of eighth graders nationally are proficient in reading and math. Just 27 percent of eighth graders were pro- ficient in math in 2022, and just 31 percent of eighth graders scored proficient in reading in 2022. The NAEP Long-term Trend Assessment shows academic stagnation since the 1970s, with particular stagnation in the reading scores of 13-year-old students since 1971, when the assessment was first administered. Math scores, though modestly improved, are still lackluster. Additionally, the department has created a “shadow” department of education operating in states across the country. Federal mandates, programs, and proclama- tions have spurred a hiring spree among state education agencies, with more than 48,000 employees currently on staff in state agencies across the country. Those employees are more than 10 times the number of employees (4,400)10 at the federal Department of Education, and their jobs largely entail reporting back to Washing- ton. Research conducted by The Heritage Foundation’s Jonathan Butcher finds that the federal government funds 41 percent of the salary costs of state educa- tion agencies.11 — 324 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise CHART 1 Trends in Fourth- and Eighth-Grade Reading EIGHTH-GRADE READING, AVERAGE SCORES 270 265 263 260 260 255 1992 1994 1998 ’02’03 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 2022 FOURTH-GRADE READING, AVERAGE SCORES 225 220 220 217 215 210 1992 1994 1998 2000 ’02’03 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 2022 SOURCES: The Nation’s Report Card, “National Average Scores,” Grade 4, https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/ reading/nation/scores/?grade=4 (accessed March 17, 2023), and The Nation’s Report Card, “National Average Scores,” Grade 8, https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/reading/nation/scores/?grade=4 (accessed March 17, 2023). A heritage.org
AI Analysis:
"The READ Act focuses on improving literacy through evidence-based instruction and federal grant programs, while Project 2025 emphasizes reducing federal bureaucracy and reallocating programs like Title I to other agencies. Both share a concern for educational effectiveness and state flexibility, but differ in approach—one expands targeted federal literacy initiatives, the other seeks to decentralize and streamline federal involvement."
— 324 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise CHART 1 Trends in Fourth- and Eighth-Grade Reading EIGHTH-GRADE READING, AVERAGE SCORES 270 265 263 260 260 255 1992 1994 1998 ’02’03 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 2022 FOURTH-GRADE READING, AVERAGE SCORES 225 220 220 217 215 210 1992 1994 1998 2000 ’02’03 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 2022 SOURCES: The Nation’s Report Card, “National Average Scores,” Grade 4, https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/ reading/nation/scores/?grade=4 (accessed March 17, 2023), and The Nation’s Report Card, “National Average Scores,” Grade 8, https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/reading/nation/scores/?grade=4 (accessed March 17, 2023). A heritage.org — 325 — Department of Education This bloat has persisted for decades. In 1998, a commission led by Repre- sentative Pete Hoekstra released a critical report based on extensive fieldwork, interviews, and analysis of the Department of Education. The report, Education at a Crossroads: What Works and What’s Wasted in Education Today, detailed the suffocating bureaucratic red tape Carter’s agency had wrapped around states.12 The commission estimated that states completed nearly 50 million hours of paperwork just to get their federal education spending, which at that time, they estimated, resulted in just 65 cents to 70 cents of each federal taxpayer dollar making its way to the classroom. The situation has only worsened since the Hoekstra report. More recent evidence of Washington’s bureaucratic paperwork burden can be found in the growing number of non-teaching staff in public schools across the country, which doubled relative to growth in student enrollment from 1992 to 2015. The labyrinthian nature of federal education programs—convoluted funding formulas, competitive grant applications, reporting requirements, etc.—has likely contributed to the considerable bureaucratic bloat in state and local school districts across the country and is one of the key areas of needed reform. Streamlining exist- ing programs and funding so that dollars are sent to states through straightforward per-pupil allocations or in the form of grants that states can put toward any lawful edu- cation purpose under state law would bring a needed easing of the federal compliance burden. The federal government should confine its involvement in education policy to that of a statistics-gathering agency that disseminates information to the states. To improve educational opportunities for all Americans, the next Administra- tion should work with Congress to pass a Department of Education Reorganization Act to reform, eliminate, or move the department’s programs and offices to appro- priate agencies. The following is an overview of what should happen within each of the offices and to each of the programs currently operated by the department. PROGRAM AND OFFICE PRIORITIZATION WITHIN THE DEPARTMENT Office of Elementary and Secondary Education (OESE) The OESE is comprised of 36 programs, ranging from Title I, Part A, of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act and Impact Aid, to programs for Native American students and the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program. l Reduce the number of programs managed by OESE, and transfer some remaining programs to other federal agencies. l Transfer Title I, Part A, which provides federal funding for lower- income school districts, to the Department of Health and Human Services, specifically the Administration for Children and Families. It should be administered as a no-strings-attached formula block grant.
AI Analysis:
"The READ Act focuses on improving literacy through evidence-based reading instruction and early intervention, while the Project 2025 policy excerpt addresses rescinding IDEA equity regulations related to racial disproportionality in special education and opposing SOGI-inclusive Title IX enforcement in school meals. There is no direct thematic overlap between literacy reform and the specific civil rights, special education equity, or school meal policies outlined in the Project 2025 section."
— 336 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise on civil rights, the next conservative Administration should take sweeping action to assure that the purpose of the Civil Rights Act is not inverted through a disparate impact standard to provide a pretext for theoretically endless federal meddling. Assistance to States for the Education of Children with Disabilities; Preschool Grants for Children with Disabilities (Equity in IDEA) l Effective January 18, 2017, the department issued final regulations under Part B of IDEA that require states to consider race and ethnicity in the identification, placement, and discipline of students with disabilities. The new Administration should rescind this regulation. Students should never be denied access to special education services because of their race or ethnicity, but this is happening in school districts across the country thanks to the Obama Administration’s Equity in IDEA regulation. This was not the intent of the regulation, but it is an inevitable byproduct of its flawed assumptions. The Obama Administration looked at the racial statistics on special education assignment and made two assumptions: that African American students were dis- proportionately overrepresented, and that this overrepresentation constituted a harm that required federal pressure to ameliorate. School districts deemed to overrepresent minority students in special education assignment, or in discipline amongst special education students, are tagged by their state education agencies as engaging in “significant disproportionality,” and are required to reallocate 15 percent of their IDEA Part B money into coordinated early intervening services that are intended to address the “root causes of dispro- portionality.” In practice, this can mean raiding special education funding to pay for CRT-inspired “equity” consultants and professional development. This is especially problematic given that both of the assumptions behind Equity in IDEA are flawed. Special education services provide extra assistance to students; they do not harm them. And according to the most rigorous research on the subject, conducted by Penn State’s Paul Morgan, black students are actually underrep- resented in special education once adequate statistical controls are made. That means that this regulation effectively further depresses the provision of valuable services to an already underserved group. l The next Administration should immediately commence rulemaking to rescind the Equity in IDEA regulation. No replacement regulation is required. l The Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) should prepare a digest of the best research on this subject and share — 337 — Department of Education it directly with state superintendents and state special education leaders across the country, who have been led by this regulation to believe a false problem diagnosis. Every effort should be made to dissuade states from continuing to operate on the assumption that overrepresentation requires state intervention after the federal pressure is rescinded. Provide School Meals to Children in Need; Do Not Use Federal Meals to Support Radical Ideology In May 2022, the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) tried to advance a radical political agenda using the federal school meal program. Nearly a century ago, federal lawmakers adopted the National School Lunch Program (NSLP) and School Breakfast Program (SBP) and other services that provide meals for K–12 students to give children from low-income families access to food while at school. Since the 1940s, federal lawmakers have greatly expanded these meal programs, creating an entitlement for nearly all students, regardless of family income levels, and have turned the meal programs into some of the most wasteful federal pro- grams in Washington. Now, the USDA is threatening to withhold federal taxpayer spending for these meals from schools that do not implement Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 so that the term “sex” is replaced with “sexual orientation and gender identity” (SOGI). l The next Administration should prohibit the USDA or any other federal agency from withholding services from federal or state agencies—including but not limited to K–12 schools—that choose not to replace “sex” with “SOGI” in that agency’s administration of Title IX. The Administration will have significant support for this policy change among state officials and Members of Congress. Twenty-two state attorneys general filed a lawsuit after the USDA’s announcement that the agency intended to withhold spending from schools that do not replace sex with SOGI. Members of Congress also introduced legislation in 2022 that would prohibit the agency from carrying out its intentions regarding Title IX. Phase Out Existing Income-Driven Repayment Plans While income-driven repayment (IDR) of student loans is a superior approach relative to fixed payment plans, the number of IDR plans has proliferated beyond reason. And recent IDR plans are so generous that they require no or only token repayment from many students. l The Secretary should phase out all existing IDR plans by making new loans (including consolidation loans) ineligible and should implement
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.