Comment Integrity and Management Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/9643
Last Updated: September 7, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Higgins, Clay [R-LA-3]

ID: H001077

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The bill

Comment Integrity and Management Act

HR. 9643, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.

The sponsor

Rep. Higgins, Clay [R-LA-3]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$66,200 raised

20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

55% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Small Business Administration" section, p. 783-785 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

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Latest Action

Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 24 - 19.

July 21, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

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Committee Review

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Floor Action

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Passed House

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Senate Review

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Passed Congress

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Became Law

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7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**Summary of HR 9643: Comment Integrity and Management Act**

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of HR 9643 is to improve the "integrity and management" of mass and computer-generated comments in federal rulemaking by amending Section 206 of the E-Government Act of 2002. Ostensibly, it aims to help agencies handle the flood of form letters, bot-generated spam, and coordinated campaigns that drown out genuine public input. The bill claims it does *not* seek to discourage mass participation—a vital democratic function—but rather to make the process more efficient and transparent. In reality, this is a classic case of solving a problem that mostly exists in the fever dreams of bureaucrats annoyed by public engagement, while ignoring the real disease: agencies routinely ignoring *all* public comments unless they come with a lobbying retainer.

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill amends Section 206 by adding a new subsection (e) titled "Information Integrity," which mandates: - Agencies must verify, "to the greatest extent possible," whether electronic comments are submitted by actual humans (a nod to CAPTCHA-era techno-optimism). - Agencies must identify "mass comments" (substantially identical submissions) and label them clearly in public dockets. - Instead of publishing every duplicate comment, agencies may post only a *single representative sample*, accompanied by a count of how many identical submissions were collapsed. - The OMB Director must issue guidance within 240 days on tools to detect bots, identify mass comments, label them appropriately, and "use new technology to offer new opportunities for public participation" (a phrase so vague it could mean anything from blockchain town halls to AI-generated constituent avatars). - Within one year, each agency must adopt a formal policy on handling computer-generated and mass comments, consistent with the guidance, and post it online within 60 days of adoption.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Federal Agencies**: Burdened with new compliance tasks—building or buying comment-verification systems, drafting policies, and training staff—all while likely underfunded for the mandate. - **Public Interest Groups & Advocates**: Organized letter-writing campaigns (a staple of grassroots lobbying) will see their efforts de-duplicated and potentially marginalized, even if labeled transparently. - **Industry Lobbyists**: Will likely adapt quickly—submitting slightly varied comments to avoid "mass" labeling, or flooding dockets with nuanced astroturf that evades detection. - **General Public**: May benefit from less cluttered dockets, but risks losing visibility into the true scale of public sentiment—especially if agencies exploit the "representative sample" loophole to minimize dissent. - **Tech Vendors**: Stand to profit from selling agencies dubious "bot detection" and comment-clustering software, likely with the efficacy of polygraphs in a truth serum factory.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This bill treats symptom, not cause. The real issue isn’t that agencies get too many comments—it’s that they often ignore them regardless of volume or authenticity. By enabling agencies to collapse mass comments into single entries, the bill risks creating an illusion of responsiveness while diluting the democratic signal of widespread public concern. Worse, the "human verification" mandate is technologically naive and prone to false positives (blocking legitimate submissions via proxy or shared networks) and false negatives (sophisticated AI-generated comments will evade detection).

Ultimately, this is regulatory theater: a performative fix for a perceived problem of "too much democracy," designed to appease officials frustrated by public scrutiny while doing nothing to address agency capture, procedural laziness, or the systemic disregard for public input. It’s less about integrity and more about managing the inconvenience of being heard. If passed, it will join the pantheon of well-intentioned reforms that make governance slightly more efficient and significantly less accountable.

Word count: 398

Related Topics

Government Operations & AccountabilityResearch & Innovation PolicyTaxation & IRS Regulations
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Higgins, Clay [R-LA-3]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$66,200
16 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$0
Committees
$0
Individuals
$66,200

No PAC contributions found

No organization contributions found

No committee contributions found

1
HAMER, GREGORY J MR. SR
2 transactions
$6,600
2
BOLLINGER, DONALD
2 transactions
$6,600
3
COOLEY, WILLIAM
2 transactions
$6,600
4
HAMER, GREG MR. JR.
2 transactions
$6,600
5
HEBERT, MARC
1 transaction
$3,500
6
FREY, GERARD A.
1 transaction
$3,300
7
CRAPPEL, ADAM
1 transaction
$3,300
8
UIHLEIN, RICHARD
1 transaction
$3,300
9
DAVIS, JORDAN
1 transaction
$3,300
10
ALFORD, ANTHONY
1 transaction
$3,300
11
CASTILLE, CARROL
1 transaction
$3,300
12
MIGUEZ, STEVEN
1 transaction
$3,300
13
MALLETT, CHESTER
1 transaction
$3,300
14
GRIGSBY, LANE
1 transaction
$3,300
15
HOLLINGSWORTH, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300
16
VANHOOSE, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300

Donor Network - Rep. Higgins, Clay [R-LA-3]

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Showing 32 nodes and 45 connections

Total contributions: $45

Top Donors - Rep. Higgins, Clay [R-LA-3]

Showing top 16 donors by contribution amount

16 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 2 harmed.

  • −Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.80

    Section 3(a)(2) requires agencies to verify whether comments are submitted by human beings, which may impact tech platforms that facilitate comment submissions, such as through bots or automated scripts.

  • Section 3(a)(2) defines computer-generated comments as those primarily generated by computer software, including artificial intelligence, which may affect AI labs and cloud infrastructure providers that offer such services.

  • +Cybersecurityconfidence 0.60

    Section 3(a)(3)(B)(i) recommends using technology tools to verify whether a comment is being submitted by a human being, which may benefit cybersecurity software and services that can help prevent automated comment submissions.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Small Business Administration

Weak
Vector: 64%
Pages: 783-785AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on improving the integrity and efficiency of federal regulatory comment processes, while the Project 2025 SBA policy emphasizes streamlining SBA operations, strengthening the Office of Advocacy, and increasing accountability and performance metrics within the SBA. There is minimal direct overlap, as the bill does not specifically target SBA programs, advocacy functions, or small business engagement initiatives outlined in the policy."

Key themes:regulatory processgovernment efficiencypublic participation

— 751 — Small Business Administration implement relevant initiatives to reach small businesses. Programs would be nonduplicative and implemented on a first-come, first-served basis. l A modern, revamped, and streamlined SBA that better utilizes current technology and platforms for operations, for reporting, and in its programs to reach, service, and engage small businesses. l An Office of Advocacy that is strengthened by a renewed mandate and additional resources to protect against overregulation along with a research agenda that includes measuring the total cost that federal regulation imposes on small businesses. Accountability and Managerial Practice. The SBA lacks accountability and managerial practices to measure the effectiveness, success, and integrity of its various programs. As a future Administration evaluates agency structure and the particulars of how the SBA is spending appropriated funds, it should immediately require actions and procedures to compel a culture of accountability and perfor- mance. Specifically: l Require performance metrics and internal procedures to safeguard taxpayer dollars and program integrity. As noted in an October 2022 IG report, failure to adopt procedures that would reliably capture data and information for various programs, coupled with significant challenges and weaknesses regarding IT investments, systems development, and security controls, presents significant risks to program integrity and increased risk of waste, fraud, and abuse.34 Addressing these shortcomings and risks should be a priority challenge and action item for the next Administration. As underscored by the Inspector General in his introduction to the report, “Pandemic response has, in many instances, magnified the challenging systemic issues in SBA’s mission-related work.”35 l Review all internal government watchdog recommendations and require that SBA management implement or address outstanding and ongoing OIG and GAO recommendations within a specified time frame (ideally within 90 days of a recommendation) and on an ongoing basis. Strengthening the Office of Advocacy. The SBA Office of Advocacy (Advo- cacy) is “an independent office” within the SBA.36 It accounts for about one one-thousandth of SBA spending and 0.75 percent of SBA personnel. Under the Regulatory Flexibility Act, both under its current authority and with suggested — 752 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise reforms, the Office of Advocacy could be a powerful weapon against the adminis- trative state’s regulatory extremism. l Amend the RFA so that all agencies are required to provide a copy of any proposed rule (other than bona fide emergency rules) along with initial regulatory flexibility analysis to the Office of Advocacy at least 60 days before a notice of proposed rulemaking is submitted for publication in the Federal Register. The Office of Advocacy would submit comments to agencies within 30 days, and each agency would have to consider these comments, make changes in the proposed rule based on those comments, or explain in a revised regulatory flexibility analysis why it chose not to change the proposed rule. The Office of Advocacy’s pre-proposing comments would be published on the agencies’ and its own websites. RFA economic analysis should be expanded to include indirect costs along with direct costs. In addition, the next Administration should require other agencies to seek Advocacy’s input. Currently, other agencies deny Advocacy the ability to enforce their duty to consider the effect of regulations on small entities by construing their regulations as not having significant economic impact, which would otherwise serve as a trigger for Advocacy’s input. Congress should presumptively exempt small businesses from new agency rules to force agencies to seek Advocacy’s input and permit new rules to apply to small businesses only with Advocacy signoff under specified criteria. l Increase the Office of Advocacy’s budget by at least 50 percent ($4.6 million). This would allow Advocacy to hire approximately 25 attorneys, economists, and scientists and enhance its role in the regulatory process. l Explicitly direct federal agencies to comply with the RFA. This would be similar to the approach adopted by President Trump in his January and February 2017 executive orders directing agencies to relieve the cost and burden of regulation on business.37 Advocacy should organize regional roundtables, onsite small-business visits, and an online platform to hear directly from small businesses and entities as it did from June 2017 through September 2018.38 This activity produced 26 letters to federal agencies and highlighted specific regulations that need reform and how Congress had addressed the most burdensome rules through the Congressional Review Act.39

Federal Communications Commission

Weak
Vector: 64%
Pages: 882-884AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on improving the integrity and efficiency of federal agency comment processes during rulemaking, while the Project 2025 FCC policy centers on reforming Section 230, regulating Big Tech content moderation, and reforming the Universal Service Fund. There is minimal thematic overlap, as the bill does not address broadband funding, platform liability, or consumer empowerment in online spaces."

Key themes:public participationtransparencytechnology oversight

— 849 — Federal Communications Commission Big Tech, and it should look to Section 230 and the Consolidated Reporting Act as potential sources of authority.19 In acting, the FCC could require these platforms to provide greater specificity regarding their terms of service, and it could hold them accountable by prohibiting actions that are inconsistent with those plain and particular terms. Within this framework, Big Tech should be required to offer a transparent appeals process that allows for the challenging of pretextual takedowns or other actions that violate clear rules of the road. l Support legislation that scraps Section 230’s current approach. The FCC should work with Congress on more fundamental Section 230 reforms that go beyond interpreting its current terms. Congress should do so by ensuring that Internet companies no longer have carte blanche to censor protected speech while maintaining their Section 230 protections. As part of those reforms, the FCC should work with Congress to ensure that antidiscrimination provisions are applied to Big Tech—including “back-end” companies that provide hosting services and DDoS protection. Reforms that prohibit discrimination against core political viewpoints are one way to do this and would track the approach taken in a social media law passed in Texas, which was upheld on appeal in late 2022 by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.20 In all of this, Congress can make certain points clear. It could focus legislation on dominant, general-use platforms rather than specialized ones. This could include excluding comment sections in online publications, specialized message boards, or communities within larger platforms that self-moderate. Similarly, Congress could legislate in a way that does not require any platform to host illegal content; child pornography; terrorist speech; and indecent, profane, or similar categories of speech that Congress has previously carved out. l Support efforts to empower consumers. The FCC and Congress should work together to formulate rules that empower consumers. Section 230 itself codifies “user control” as an express policy goal and encourages Internet platforms to provide tools that will “empower” users to engage in their own content moderation. As Congress takes up reforms, it should therefore be mindful of how we can return to Internet users the power to control their online experiences. One idea is to empower consumers to choose their own content filters and fact checkers, if any. The FCC should also work with Congress to ensure stronger protections against young children accessing social media sites despite age restrictions that generally prohibit their use of these sites. — 850 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise It should be noted at this point that the views expressed here are not shared uniformly by all conservatives. There are some, including contributors to this chapter, who do not think that the FCC or Congress should act in a way that regulates the content-moderation decisions of private platforms. One of the main arguments that this group offers is that doing so would intrude— unlawfully in their view—on the First Amendment rights of corporations to exclude content from their private platforms. l Require that Big Tech begin to contribute a fair share. Big Tech has avoided accountability in several additional ways as well. One of them concerns the FCC’s roughly $9 billion Universal Service Fund. This initiative provides the support necessary to subsidize the agency’s affordable Internet and rural connectivity programs. The FCC obtains this funding through a line-item charge that carriers add to consumers’ monthly bills for traditional telecommunications service. While Big Tech derives tremendous value from the federal government’s universal service investments—using those federally supported networks to deliver their products and realize significant profits—these large corporations have avoided paying a fair share into the program. On top of that, the FCC’s current funding mechanism has been on an unsustainable path.21 By requiring traditional telephone customers to contribute to a fund that is being used increasingly to support broadband networks, the FCC’s current approach is the regulatory equivalent of taxing horseshoes to pay for highways. To put the FCC’s universal service program on a stable footing, Congress should require Big Tech companies to start contributing an appropriate amount. Conservatives are not unanimous in agreeing that the FCC should expand the USF contribution base. Instead, some argue that Congress should revisit the program’s entire funding structure and determine whether to continue subsidizing the provision of service. Future funding decisions, the argument goes, should be made by Congress through the normal appropriation process through which the USF program can compete for funding with other national initiatives. These decisions should be made with an eye to right-sizing the federal government’s existing broadband initiatives in light of both technological advances and the recent influx of billions of dollars in new appropriations that can be used to support efforts to end the digital divide. Protecting America’s National Security. During the Trump Administra- tion, the FCC ushered in a new and appropriately strong approach to the national

Central Personnel Agencies: Managing the Bureaucracy

Minimal
Vector: 65%
Pages: 106-108AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The Comment Integrity and Management Act focuses on improving the integrity and efficiency of federal rulemaking by managing mass and computer-generated public comments, while the Project 2025 policy excerpt discusses federal personnel management, performance appraisals, merit pay, and bureaucratic accountability. There is no substantive overlap in subject matter or policy objectives between the two texts."

— 73 — Central Personnel Agencies: Managing the Bureaucracy that would change regularly to depress cheating. President Donald Trump’s OPM planned to implement such changes but was delayed because of legal concerns over possible disparate impact. Courts have agreed to review the consent decree if the Uniform Guidelines on Employee Selection Procedures setting the technical requirements for sound exams are reformed. A government that is unable to select employees based on KSA-like test qualifications cannot work, and the OPM must move forward on this very basic personnel management obligation. The Centrality of Performance Appraisal. In the meantime, the OPM must manage the workforce it has. Before they can reward or discipline federal employees, managers must first identify who their top performers are and who is performing less than adequately. In fact, as Ludwig von Mises proved in his classic Bureaucracy,14 unlike the profit-and-loss evaluation tool used in the private sector, government performance measurement depends totally on a functioning appraisal system. If they cannot be identified in the first place within a functioning appraisal system, it is impossible to reward good performance or correct poor performance. The problem is that the collegial atmosphere of a bureaucracy in a multifaceted appraisal system that is open to appeals makes this a very challenging ideal to implement successfully. The GAO reported more recently that overly high and widely spread perfor- mance ratings were again plaguing the government, with more than 99 percent of employees rated fully successful or above by their managers, a mere 0.3 percent rated as minimally successful, and 0.1 percent actually rated unacceptable.15 Why? It is human nature that no one appreciates being told that he or she is less than outstanding in every way. Informing subordinates in a closely knit bureaucracy that they are not performing well is difficult. Rating compatriots is even consid- ered rude and unprofessional. Moreover, managers can be and often are accused of racial or sexual discrimination for a poor rating, and this discourages honesty. In 2018, President Trump issued Executive Order 1383916 requiring agen- cies to reduce the time for employees to improve performance before corrective action could be taken; to initiate disciplinary actions against poorly performing employees more expeditiously; to reiterate that agencies are obligated to make employees improve; to reduce the time for employees to respond to allegations of poor performance; to mandate that agencies remind supervisors of expiring employee probationary periods; to prohibit agencies from entering into settlement agreements that modify an employee’s personnel record; and to reevaluate proce- dures for agencies to discipline supervisors who retaliate against whistleblowers. Unfortunately, the order was overturned by the Biden Administration,17 so it will need to be reintroduced in 2025. The fact remains that meaningfully evaluating employees’ performance is a critical part of a manager’s job. In the Reagan appraisal process, managers were evaluated on how they themselves rated their subordinates. This is critical to — 74 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise responsibility and improved management. It is essential that political executives build policy goals directly into employee appraisals both for mission success and for employees to know what is expected. Indistinguishable from their coworkers on paper, hard-working federal employees often go unrewarded for their efforts and are often the system’s greatest critics. Federal workers who are performing inadequately get neither the benefit of an honest appraisal nor clear guidance on how to improve. Political executives should take an active role in supervising per- formance appraisals of career staff, not unduly delegate this responsibility to senior career managers, and be willing to reward and support good performers. Merit Pay. Performance appraisal means little to daily operations if it is not tied directly to real consequences for success as well as failure. According to a survey of major U.S. private companies—which, unlike the federal government, also have a profit-and-loss evaluation—90 percent use a system of merit pay for performance based on some type of appraisal system. Despite early efforts to institute merit pay throughout the federal government, however, compensation is still based primarily on seniority rather than merit. Merit pay for executives and managers was part of the Carter reforms and was implemented early in the Reagan presidency. Beginning in the summer of 1982, the Reagan OPM entered 18 months of negotiations with House and Senate staff on extending merit pay to the entire workforce. Long and detailed talks between the OPM and both Democrats and Republicans in Congress ensued, and a final agreement was reached in 1983 that supposedly ensured the passage of legislation creating a new Performance Management and Recognition System (PMRS) for all, (not just management) GS-13 through GS-15 employees. Meanwhile, the OPM issued regulations to expand the role of performance related to pay throughout the entire workforce, but congressional allies of the employee unions, led by Representative Steny Hoyer (D) of government employee– rich Maryland, stoutly resisted this extension of pay-for-performance and, with strong union support, used the congressional appropriations process to block OPM administrative pay reforms. Bonuses for SES career employees survived, but per- formance appraisals became so high and widely distributed that there was little relationship between performance and remuneration. Ever since the original merit pay system for federal managers (GM-13 through GM-15 grade levels, just below the SES) was allowed to expire in September 1993, little to nothing has been done either to reinstate the federal merit pay program for managers or to distribute performance rating evaluations for the SES, much less to extend the program to the remainder of the workforce. A reform-friendly President and Congress might just provide the opportunity to create a more comprehensive performance plan; in the meantime, however, political executives should use exist- ing pay and especially fiscal awards strategically to reward good performance to the degree allowed by law.

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Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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