FLEX Act

Download PDF
Bill ID: 119/hr/7082
Last Updated: July 22, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

ID: M001230

Follow the money

The bill

FLEX Act

HR. 7082, 119th Congress — read as touching For-Profit Education & Student Loans.

The sponsor

Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$66,582 raised

21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Agriculture" section, p. 353-355 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 566.

May 12, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the geniuses in Congress. The FLEX Act, or "Fostering Learning and Excellence in Charter Schools Act," because who doesn't love a good acronym? Let's dissect this mess, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The bill's primary objective is to provide more flexibility (read: money) to charter schools, because apparently, the current system of throwing cash at them isn't sufficient. The sponsors claim it's about "fostering learning and excellence," but we all know that's just code for "lining the pockets of wealthy donors and special interest groups."

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, because who needs a new law when you can just Frankenstein an old one? It increases funding allotments for charter schools, expands programs, and provides more "flexibility" in how funds are allocated. Oh, and it also allows for advance payments to charter schools, because why bother with accountability when you can just give them the money upfront?

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects: charter school operators, wealthy donors, special interest groups, and of course, the politicians who will benefit from the campaign contributions and photo ops. And let's not forget the poor, unsuspecting taxpayers who will foot the bill for this debacle.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a symptom of a deeper disease: the privatization of public education. It's a Trojan horse for further eroding the public education system, funneling more money to charter schools, and increasing inequality in education. The "flexibility" it provides will only serve to benefit those who already have the means to exploit it, while leaving behind the most vulnerable students and communities.

In conclusion, the FLEX Act is a masterclass in legislative doublespeak, designed to further enrich the already wealthy and powerful at the expense of the public good. It's a disease, and the diagnosis is clear: corruption, greed, and a healthy dose of stupidity. Now, if you'll excuse me, I have better things to do than watch this train wreck unfold. Next patient, please!

Related Topics

Education & Student AidHousing & Urban Development
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$66,582
19 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$66,082

No PAC contributions found

1
JSA REAL ESTATE PC
1 transaction
$500

No committee contributions found

1
CAMERON, RONALD
2 transactions
$6,600
2
HAAHEIM, CAROLYN
2 transactions
$6,600
3
ARCHER, LYNNE
1 transaction
$3,382
4
BANKE, BARBARA
1 transaction
$3,300
5
HINMAN, ROY
1 transaction
$3,300
6
LEACH, HOWARD
1 transaction
$3,300
7
MCMAHON, JOYCE
1 transaction
$3,300
8
PATE, LUTHER S IV
1 transaction
$3,300
9
RICKETTS, MARLENE M.
1 transaction
$3,300
10
ROCKEFELLER, LISENNE
1 transaction
$3,300
11
JINKS, ALBERT
1 transaction
$3,300
12
MACKENZIE, VICTORIA MILOU
1 transaction
$3,300
13
VOLPE, CHARLES
1 transaction
$3,300
14
BRYDEN, LEWIS
1 transaction
$3,300
15
BUTZ, LEE
1 transaction
$3,300
16
DAUB, L. ANDERSON
1 transaction
$3,300
17
DOWD, JOHN J
1 transaction
$3,300
18
DOWD, TINA
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 6 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Tokuda, Jill N. [D-HI-2]

ID: T000487

Top Contributors

10

1
AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS
OrganizationPALM SPRINGS, CA
$3,300
Jun 30, 2023
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$2,500
Jun 21, 2023
3
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$2,000
Mar 27, 2024
4
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,650
Jun 27, 2023
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,650
May 9, 2024
6
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$1,000
Jun 27, 2024
7
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
OrganizationCHOCTAW, MS
$1,000
Aug 28, 2024
8
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$500
Sep 18, 2023
9
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$300
Mar 27, 2024
10
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$200
Mar 27, 2024

Rep. Carter, Troy A. [D-LA-2]

ID: C001125

Top Contributors

10

1
TUNICA-BILOXI TRIBE OF LOUISIANA
OrganizationMARKSVILLE, LA
$3,400
Nov 25, 2024
2
TUNICA-BILOXI TRIBE OF LOUISIANA
OrganizationMARKSVILLE, LA
$3,400
Jun 20, 2023
3
AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY
OrganizationMARICOPA, AZ
$3,300
Mar 30, 2023
4
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationSANTA YNEZ, CA
$3,300
Feb 28, 2024
5
TUNICA-BILOXI TRIBE OF LOUISIANA
OrganizationMARKSVILLE, LA
$3,300
Jun 20, 2023
6
TUNICA-BILOXI TRIBE OF LOUISIANA
OrganizationMARKSVILLE, LA
$3,300
Jun 20, 2023
7
AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS GENERAL FUND
OrganizationPALM SPRINGS, CA
$3,300
Jun 30, 2023
8
AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY
OrganizationMARICOPA, AZ
$2,500
Jul 30, 2024
9
THE AUGUST GROUP
OrganizationBATON ROUGE, LA
$1,000
Jul 18, 2024
10
CAPITELLI & WICKER
OrganizationNEW ORLEANS, LA
$1,000
Mar 26, 2024

Rep. Steil, Bryan [R-WI-1]

ID: S001213

Top Contributors

10

1
FOREST COUNTY POTAWATOMI COMMUNITY
OrganizationCRANDON, WI
$3,300
Apr 25, 2024
2
FOREST COUNTY POTAWATOMI COMMUNITY
OrganizationCRANDON, WI
$3,300
Mar 22, 2023
3
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationRED ROCK, OK
$3,300
Sep 30, 2024
4
HO CHUNK NATION
OrganizationBLACK RIVER FALLS, WI
$3,300
Oct 30, 2024
5
HO CHUNK NATION
OrganizationBLACK RIVER FALLS, WI
$2,900
Mar 13, 2023
6
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$2,500
Dec 23, 2023
7
ONEIDA NATION
OrganizationONEIDA, WI
$2,000
Jun 30, 2023
8
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$1,500
Jun 30, 2023
9
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$1,500
Jun 30, 2024
10
ONEIDA NATION
OrganizationONEIDA, WI
$1,300
Jun 30, 2024

Rep. Torres, Ritchie [D-NY-15]

ID: T000486

Top Contributors

10

1
OPEN HAND ASSOCIATION, INC.
OrganizationBRONX, NY
$5,000
Jan 10, 2024
2
JANNEY MONTGOMERY SCOTT
OrganizationPHILADELPHIA, PA
$4,589
May 31, 2023
3
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE TRIBE OF CALIFORNIA
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Jul 18, 2023
4
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationRED ROCK, OK
$3,300
Jul 18, 2023
5
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA OF NORTH DAKOTA
OrganizationBELCOURT, ND
$3,300
Jul 17, 2023
6
JANNEY MONTGOMERY SCOTT
OrganizationPHILADELPHIA, PA
$2,976
Apr 28, 2023
7
JANNEY MONTGOMERY SCOTT
OrganizationPHILADELPHIA, PA
$682
Jun 6, 2023
8
JANNEY MONTGOMERY SCOTT
OrganizationPHILADELPHIA, PA
$270
Jul 5, 2023
9
JANNEY MONTGOMERY SCOTT
OrganizationPHILADELPHIA, PA
$227
Jul 31, 2023
10
JANNEY MONTGOMERY SCOTT
OrganizationPHILADELPHIA, PA
$48
Jun 30, 2023

Rep. McDonald Rivet, Kristen [D-MI-8]

ID: M001237

Top Contributors

10

1
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
OrganizationCHEROKEE, NC
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
2
SAULT STE. MARIE TRIBE OF CHIPPEWA INDIANS
OrganizationSAULT SAINTE MARIE, MI
$3,300
Oct 30, 2024
3
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$2,500
Oct 25, 2024
4
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
OrganizationCHOCTAW, MS
$1,000
Oct 29, 2024
5
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$1,000
Aug 5, 2024
6
SAULT STE. MARIE TRIBE OF CHIPPEWA INDIANS
OrganizationSAULT SAINTE MARIE, MI
$500
Aug 6, 2024
7
TAYLOR, DONZEL
IndividualSAGINAW, MI
$4,105
Sep 22, 2024
8
GANDHI, MILAN
SEFL EMPLOYED • ADMINISTRATOR
IndividualSOUTHFIELD, MI
$3,550
Mar 28, 2024
9
WILCOX, ALLISON
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualMIDLAND, MI
$3,350
Jun 14, 2024
10
ALTMAN, LYNDA CARTER
POTOMAC PRODUCTIONS • ACTRESS
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024

Rep. Hill, J. French [R-AR-2]

ID: H001072

Top Contributors

10

1
THE ROYER LAW FIRM PLLC
OrganizationWASHINGTON, DC
$1,000
Sep 30, 2024
2
BRADBURY, CHARLOTTE S. MRS.
NONE • HOMEMAKER
IndividualLITTLE ROCK, AR
$6,600
Dec 7, 2023
3
BRADBURY, CURT MR. JR.
STEPHENS INC. • CHIEF OPERATING OFFICER
IndividualLITTLE ROCK, AR
$6,600
Dec 7, 2023
4
KEITH, STEVEN M. MR.
KBX • PRESIDENT
IndividualLITTLE ROCK, AR
$6,600
Oct 13, 2023
5
KNAPPLE, WHITFIELD L. DR.
SELF EMPLOYED • PHYSICIAN
IndividualLITTLE ROCK, AR
$6,600
Oct 9, 2023
6
PFAUTCH, ROY MR.
CIVIC SERVICE INC • OWNER
IndividualSAINT LOUIS, MO
$6,600
Dec 28, 2023
7
QUINTILIAN, DENNIS
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualLLOYD HARBOR, NY
$6,600
Nov 16, 2023
8
QUINTILIAN, DORIS
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualLLOYD HARBOR, NY
$6,600
Nov 16, 2023
9
RUTLEDGE, REYNIE MR.
FIRST SECURITY BANK • CHAIRMAN
IndividualSEARCY, AR
$6,600
Nov 10, 2023
10
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN A. MR.
BLACKSTONE • CHAIRMAN CEO & CO-FOUNDER
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Feb 16, 2023

Donor Network - Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 64 nodes and 36 connections (46 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $116,371

Top Donors - Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

Showing top 19 donors by contribution amount

1 Org18 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 2 harmed.

  • The bill amends the Elementary and Secondary Education Act to provide greater flexibility in federal programs supporting charter schools, including funding for startup, replication, expansion, and program additions at high-quality charter schools (Sec. 2, Sec. 3). This directly benefits for-profit charter school operators and education service providers that manage or contract with charter schools.

  • −Labor Unionsconfidence 0.70

    By expanding charter school flexibility and funding (Sec. 2, Sec. 3), the bill may undermine traditional public school systems where labor unions (e.g., teachers unions) are heavily represented, potentially reducing unionized teaching positions and bargaining power.

  • −Teachers Unionsconfidence 0.70

    The bill's focus on charter school expansion and flexibility (Sec. 2, Sec. 3) may reduce enrollment and funding in traditional public schools, which are the primary employers of teachers represented by teachers unions, thus posing a potential cost to their membership and influence.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Agriculture

Strong
Vector: 65%
Pages: 353-355AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The FLEX Act aligns with Project 2025's goal of advancing education freedom and restoring state and local control by increasing flexibility in federal charter school funding and promoting innovative, family-driven educational options through expanded access to high-quality charter schools."

Key themes:education choicestate and local controlfunding flexibilityinnovation in educationcharter school expansion

— 321 — Department of Education through the pandemic’s Elementary and Secondary Schools Emergency Relief (ESSER) Funds,4 which relied on ESEA formulas. The same year, the department spent more than $2 billion just to administer Title IV of the HEA, which authorizes federal student loans and Pell grants. It provided $22.5 billion in Pell grants, and it oversaw outlays of close to $100 billion in direct student loans. Since 1965, Congress has continued to layer on dozens of new laws and pro- grams as federal “solutions” to myriad education problems. In 1973, it passed the Rehabilitation Act,5 and, in 1975, the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA)6 to address educational neglect of students with disabilities. In 2002, it cre- ated the Institute for Education Sciences to consolidate education data collection and fund research. Congress has also enacted a series of Carl D. Perkins Career and Technical Education Acts, including Perkins V in 2018.7 Congress could have, and once did, distribute management of federal education programs outside of a single department. But for those interested in expanding federal funding and influence in education, this unconsolidated approach was less than ideal, because a single, captive agency would allow them to promote their agenda more effectively across Administrations. Eventually, the National Educa- tion Association made a deal and backed the right presidential candidate— Jimmy Carter—who successfully lobbied for and delivered the Cabinet-level agency. When it was established in 1979—becoming operational in 1980—the agency was supposed to act as a “corralling” mechanism. Carter signed the Department of Education Organization Act8 into law in 1979, believing in part that it would reduce administrative costs and improve efficiency by housing most of the federal education programs that had proliferated in the wake of Johnson’s War on Poverty under one roof. It has had the opposite effect. Instead, special interest groups like the National Education Association (NEA), American Federation of Teachers (AFT), and the higher education lobby have leveraged the agency to continuously expand federal expenditures—a desirable funding stream from their vantage point because federal budgets are not constrained like state and local budgets that must be balanced each year. By FY 2022, the department’s discretionary and mandatory appropriation topped $80 billion, not including student loan outlays. Each of its programs has attendant federal strings and red tape. One recent example is the Biden Administration’s requirement that state educa- tion agencies and school districts submit “equity” plans as a condition of receiving COVID recovery ESSER funds in the American Rescue Plan (ARP).9 This exercise led to the hiring of numerous new government employees as the rules were pro- mulgated, plans were created after collecting public feedback, and those plans were eventually deemed satisfactory. The next Administration will need a plan to redistribute the various congres- sionally approved federal education programs across the government, eliminate — 322 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise those that are ineffective or duplicative, and then eliminate the unproductive red tape and rules by entrusting states and districts with flexible, formula-driven block grants. This chapter details that plan. As the next Administration executes its work, it should be guided by a few core principles, including: l Advancing education freedom. Empowering families to choose among a diverse set of education options is key to reform and improved outcomes, and it can be achieved without establishing a new federal program. For example, portability of existing federal education spending to fund families directly or allowing federal tax credits to encourage voluntary contributions to K–12 education savings accounts managed by charitable nonprofits, could significantly advance education choice. l Providing education choice for “federal” children. Congress has a special responsibility to children who are connected to military families, who live in the District of Columbia, or who are members of sovereign tribes. Responsibility for serving these students should be housed in agencies that are already serving these families. l Restoring state and local control over education funding. As Washington begins to downsize its intervention in education, existing funding should be sent to states as grants over which they have full control, enabling states to put federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. l Treating taxpayers like investors in federal student aid. Taxpayers should expect their investments in higher education to generate economic productivity. When the federal government lends money to individuals for a postsecondary education, taxpayers should expect those borrowers to repay. l Protecting the federal student loan portfolio from predatory politicians. The new Administration must end the practice of acting like the federal student loan portfolio is a campaign fund to curry political support and votes. The new Administration must end abuses in the loan forgiveness programs. Borrowers should be expected to repay their loans. l Safeguarding civil rights. Enforcement of civil rights should be based on a proper understanding of those laws, rejecting gender ideology and critical race theory.

Department of Education

Moderate
Vector: 68%
Pages: 383-385AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The FLEX Act aligns with Project 2025's goal of expanding educational choice and reducing federal overreach by increasing flexibility and funding for charter schools, which are a form of school choice. However, it does not directly implement the specific mechanisms proposed in Project 2025, such as scholarship tax credits or state opt-outs from federal programs."

Key themes:educational choicecharter school expansionfederal funding flexibilityinnovation in educationreducing bureaucratic barriers

— 351 — Department of Education as the Educational Choice for Children Act. This bill would create a federal scholarship tax credit that would incentivize donors to contribute to nonprofit scholarship granting organizations (SGOs). Eligible families could then use that funding from the SGOs for their children’s education expenses including private school tuition, tutoring, and instructional materials. ADDITIONAL K–12 REFORMS Allowing States to Opt Out of Federal Education Programs. States should be able to opt out of federal education programs such as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. Much of the red tape and regulations that hinder local school districts are handed down from Washington. This regulatory burden far exceeds the federal government’s less than 10 percent financing share of K–12 education. In the most recent fiscal year (FY 2022), states and localities financed 93 percent of K–12 education costs, and the federal government just 7 percent. That 7 percent share should not allow the federal government to dictate state and local education policy. l To restore state and local control of education and reduce the bureaucratic and compliance burden, Congress should allow states to opt out of the dozens of federal K–12 education programs authorized under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and instead allow states to put their share of federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. This policy has been advanced over the years via a proposal known as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM HEA: Accreditation Reform Congress established two primary responsibilities for the U.S. Department of Education in the HEA: 1) to ensure the “administrative capacity and financial responsibility” of colleges and universities that accept Title IV funds; and 2) to ensure the quality of those institutions. Congress did not endow the Department of Education with the authority to involve itself in academic quality issues relating to colleges and universities that participate in the Title IV student aid program; the HEA allows the agency only to recognize accreditors, which are then supposed to provide quality assurance measures. Unfortunately, the Biden Administration has followed closely in the footsteps of the Obama Administration by engaging in a politically motivated and incon- sistent administration of the accrediting agency recognition process. As a result, accreditors have transformed into de facto government agents. Despite claims by — 352 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise the department and accreditation agencies that accreditation is voluntary, the fact that Americans are denied access to an otherwise widely available entitle- ment benefit if the institution “elects” to not be accredited makes accreditation anything but voluntary. Today, accreditation determines whether Americans can access federal student aid benefits, transfer academic credits, enroll in higher-level degree programs, and even qualify for federal employment. Unnecessarily focused on schools in a specific geographic region, institutional accreditation reviews have also become wildly expensive audits by academic “peers” that stifle innovation and discourage new institutions of higher education. Of par- ticular concern are efforts by many accreditation agencies to leverage their Title IV (student loans and grants) gatekeeper roles to force institutions to adopt policies that have nothing to do with academic quality assurance and student outcomes. One egregious example of this is the extent to which accreditors have forced col- leges and universities, many of them faith-based institutions, to adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies that conflict with federal civil rights laws, state laws, and the institutional mission and culture of the schools. Perhaps more distress- ingly, accreditors, while professing support for academic freedom and campus free speech, have presided over a precipitous decline in both over the past decade. Despite maintaining criteria that demand such policies, accreditors have done nothing to dampen the illiberal chill that has swept across American campuses over the past decade. The current system is not working. A radical overhaul of the HEA’s accreditation requirements is thus in order. The next Administration should work with Congress to amend the HEA and should consider the following reforms: l Prohibit accreditation agencies from leveraging their Title IV gatekeeper role to mandate that educational institutions adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion policies. l Protect the sovereignty of states to decide governance and leadership issues for their state-supported colleges and universities by prohibiting accreditation agencies from intruding upon the governance of state-supported educational institutions. l Protect faith-based institutions by prohibiting accreditation agencies from: 1. Requiring standards and criteria that undermine the religious beliefs of, or require policies or conduct that conflict with, the religious mission or religious beliefs of the institution; and

Department of Education

Moderate
Vector: 65%
Pages: 383-385AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The FLEX Act aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on expanding school choice and increasing flexibility in federal education funding, particularly through support for charter schools and innovative learning models. However, it does not directly implement the specific Title I reforms proposed in Project 2025, such as micro-education savings accounts or shifting oversight to HHS."

Key themes:school choicecharter school expansionfederal education funding flexibilityinnovative learning modelsstate and local control

— 350 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise would give the families of children with special needs approximately $1,800 per child to help meet a child’s unique learning needs. l Members of Congress and the White House should consider a similar update to Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA). Title I is the largest portion of federal taxpayer spending under this federal education law, and the section provides additional taxpayer resources to schools or groups of schools in lower income areas. Federal taxpayers committed $16.3 billion to Title I in FY 2019, spending that is dedicated to students in low-income areas of the U.S. Per student, this spending amounts to more than $1,400 for a child in a large city and approximately $1,300 for a student in a remote, rural area.19 Research finds, though, that this enormous investment has not produced positive results for children in need. The achievement gap between children from the highest and lowest income deciles has not improved over the past 50 years. And recent, dismal outcomes on the National Assessment of Educational Progress showed declines for all students, with math scores registering declines for the first time in history. l Initially, the responsibilities for administering and overseeing Title I should be moved to HHS, along with IDEA. l Students attending schools that receive Title I spending should also have access to micro-education savings accounts that allow families to choose how and where their children learn according to their needs. l Parents should be allowed to use their child’s Title I resources to help pay for private learning options including tutoring services and curricular materials. l Over a 10-year period, the federal spending should be phased out and states should assume decision-making control over how to provide a quality education to children from low-income families. Additional School Choice Options House Republicans included school choice in their “Commitment to America” agenda. l Though actions by state lawmakers are essential and any federal policies should be strictly designed so they do not conflict with state activities, Congress could consider school choice legislation such — 351 — Department of Education as the Educational Choice for Children Act. This bill would create a federal scholarship tax credit that would incentivize donors to contribute to nonprofit scholarship granting organizations (SGOs). Eligible families could then use that funding from the SGOs for their children’s education expenses including private school tuition, tutoring, and instructional materials. ADDITIONAL K–12 REFORMS Allowing States to Opt Out of Federal Education Programs. States should be able to opt out of federal education programs such as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. Much of the red tape and regulations that hinder local school districts are handed down from Washington. This regulatory burden far exceeds the federal government’s less than 10 percent financing share of K–12 education. In the most recent fiscal year (FY 2022), states and localities financed 93 percent of K–12 education costs, and the federal government just 7 percent. That 7 percent share should not allow the federal government to dictate state and local education policy. l To restore state and local control of education and reduce the bureaucratic and compliance burden, Congress should allow states to opt out of the dozens of federal K–12 education programs authorized under the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, and instead allow states to put their share of federal funding toward any lawful education purpose under state law. This policy has been advanced over the years via a proposal known as the Academic Partnerships Lead Us to Success (APLUS) Act. HIGHER EDUCATION REFORM HEA: Accreditation Reform Congress established two primary responsibilities for the U.S. Department of Education in the HEA: 1) to ensure the “administrative capacity and financial responsibility” of colleges and universities that accept Title IV funds; and 2) to ensure the quality of those institutions. Congress did not endow the Department of Education with the authority to involve itself in academic quality issues relating to colleges and universities that participate in the Title IV student aid program; the HEA allows the agency only to recognize accreditors, which are then supposed to provide quality assurance measures. Unfortunately, the Biden Administration has followed closely in the footsteps of the Obama Administration by engaging in a politically motivated and incon- sistent administration of the accrediting agency recognition process. As a result, accreditors have transformed into de facto government agents. Despite claims by

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

Full Policy Text

Related Bills