Children's Artificial Intelligence Toy Safety Act of 2026

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Bill ID: 119/s/5171
Last Updated: September 7, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Duckworth, Tammy [D-IL]

ID: D000622

Follow the money

The bill

Children's Artificial Intelligence Toy Safety Act of 2026

S. 5171, 119th Congress — read as touching AI & Cloud Infrastructure.

The sponsor

Sen. Duckworth, Tammy [D-IL]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$73,510 raised

26 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Federal Trade Commission" section, p. 908-910 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Ordered to be reported with an amendment in the nature of a substitute favorably.

August 4, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

📍 Current Status

Next: The full Senate will vote on whether to pass the bill.

✅

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**Summary of S. 5171: Children's Artificial Intelligence Toy Safety Act of 2026**

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of S. 5171 is to study the risks posed by AI-enabled toys to children and develop a joint federal action plan to improve their safety. Ostensibly, it aims to protect children from physical, mental, emotional, and social harm caused by interactive AI toys and chatbots, while assessing educational outcomes, parental controls, and marketing ethics. In reality, this bill is a masterclass in legislative theater: a performative gesture designed to make senators look proactive about a vaguely defined, rapidly evolving technological threat—without actually regulating anything meaningful. The true objective? To generate a bureaucratic paper trail that lets politicians claim they “did something” while avoiding any real accountability or enforceable standards. It’s less about child safety and more about covering their asses before the next viral AI toy scandal blows up on TikTok.

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** This bill does not amend or enforce any existing safety standards. Instead, it mandates two toothless exercises: - A study by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (Section 3) to assess risks, benefits, parental control usage, marketing ethics, and whether a temporary sales suspension is warranted. - A joint action plan by the FTC and CPSC (Section 4) due within two years, containing *recommendations* for legislation, disclosure requirements, marketing/safety guidelines, independent reviews, and public education initiatives. Critically, nowhere does the bill impose mandatory safety testing, ban dangerous features, require pre-market approval, or empower agencies to recall hazardous AI toys. It’s a study-and-report framework wrapped in the veneer of urgency—essentially, homework for bureaucrats with no deadline for action and no penalties for ignoring the findings. If the National Academies conclude that AI teddy bears are grooming kids for data harvesting, the worst that happens is a strongly worded memo. No fines. No injunctions. Just more PowerPoint slides for congressional staffers to pretend they read.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Toy manufacturers and AI developers**: Temporarily inconvenienced by the prospect of a study that might lead to voluntary guidelines they can ignore. No real financial or operational risk—this bill is a free pass to keep selling surveillance-enabled stuffed animals under the guise of innovation. - **Parents and children**: Offered the illusion of protection while being left exposed to actual harms like data privacy violations, emotional manipulation by chatbots, and unhealthy attachment to algorithmic caregivers. Parents get another checkbox to tick (“I checked for AI safety!”) without gaining real tools or transparency. - **Federal agencies (FTC, CPSC)**: Gifted an unfunded mandate to produce a report they’ll likely shelve alongside the last ten AI-related studies no one acted on. - **Congress (especially Duckworth and Murkowski)**: The prime beneficiaries. They get to appear tech-savvy and child-protective ahead of elections, having sacrificed nothing but a few staff hours drafting a bill that changes nothing. - **The National Academies**: Paid to state the obvious—that AI toys pose poorly understood risks—and then watch their recommendations get buried in committee.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** The impact will be negligible. This bill follows the time-honored Washington tradition of responding to technological anxiety with a study that delays action until the next crisis. By the time the report drops in 2028, AI toys will have evolved beyond recognition—rendering the findings obsolete before they’re printed. The real harm? It distracts from the need for *actual* regulation: mandatory algorithmic transparency, strict limits on data collection from children, enforceable prohibitions on manipulative AI design, and real-time monitoring of adaptive chatbots. Instead, we get a placebo. In the grand tradition of feel-good, do-nothing legislation, S. 5171 is a legislative sugar pill: sweet-tasting, medically useless, and administered to quiet the cries of a public that deserves better. It’s not a safety act—it’s a

Related Topics

Research & Innovation PolicyCybersecurity & Data PrivacyWater & Air Quality Regulations
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💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Duckworth, Tammy [D-IL]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$73,510
22 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$7,510
Committees
$0
Individuals
$66,000

No PAC contributions found

1
AMERICAN EXPRESS
3 transactions
$6,835
2
CITIBUSINESS CARD
3 transactions
$675

No committee contributions found

1
KELLY, MICHAEL
1 transaction
$3,300
2
LISTER, AMANDA
1 transaction
$3,300
3
SUMEY, ROGER
1 transaction
$3,300
4
CHEN, QIANHUI
1 transaction
$3,300
5
CHENG, ANLA
1 transaction
$3,300
6
DU, YUNSON
1 transaction
$3,300
7
DUN, LIOU
1 transaction
$3,300
8
GAO, MEI
1 transaction
$3,300
9
LI, LEI
1 transaction
$3,300
10
LI, MINGJU
1 transaction
$3,300
11
LU, KELLY
1 transaction
$3,300
12
MOOG, THOMAS
1 transaction
$3,300
13
ROE, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300
14
WANG, MAGGIE
1 transaction
$3,300
15
WANG, SHA
1 transaction
$3,300
16
ZHANG, XIAOQING
1 transaction
$3,300
17
ZHU, GARY
1 transaction
$3,300
18
MOUHOT, SANDRA
1 transaction
$3,300
19
BAKER, RYAN
1 transaction
$3,300
20
BERNSTEIN, JAY
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 3 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Murkowski, Lisa [R-AK]

ID: M001153

Top Contributors

29

1
MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
OrganizationAUBURN, WA
$3,300
May 15, 2023
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$2,500
Dec 20, 2023
3
MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
OrganizationAUBURN, WA
$1,000
Nov 20, 2024
4
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Oct 26, 2023
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Jun 3, 2024
6
PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
OrganizationTACOMA, WA
$1,000
Sep 30, 2024
7
SUQUAMISH INDIAN TRIBE
OrganizationSUQUAMISH, WA
$1,000
Sep 30, 2024
8
TOHONO O'ODHAM NATION
OrganizationSELLS, AZ
$1,000
Aug 9, 2024
9
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationDURANT, OK
$550
Oct 26, 2023
10
SEGAL, PAUL
LS POWER DEVELOPMENT, LLC • CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Dec 16, 2023

Sen. Curtis, John R. [R-UT]

ID: C001114

Top Contributors

25

1
KELLER INVESTMENTS PROPERTIES
OrganizationCENTERVILLE, UT
$29,800
Dec 31, 2023
2
SUQUAMISH INDIAN TRIBE
OrganizationSUQUAMISH, WA
$1,000
Aug 14, 2024
3
TENNIS & SUN LC
OrganizationSALT LAKE CITY, UT
$1,000
Jun 10, 2024
4
BGR GOVERNMENT AFFAIRS, LLC
OrganizationWASHINGTON, DC
$1,000
Mar 25, 2024
5
FUGAL COMMERCIAL SERVICES INC
OrganizationSALT LAKE CITY, UT
$1,000
Sep 13, 2023
6
STEEL, SHAWN
STEEL & EISNER, LLP • ATTORNEY
IndividualSURFSIDE, CA
$10,000
Mar 25, 2024
7
STEEL, SHAWN
STEEL & EISNER, LLP • ATTORNEY
IndividualSURFSIDE, CA
$10,000
Mar 25, 2024
8
BAKER, PAUL
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualTUCSON, AZ
$6,600
Jun 5, 2024
9
BAKER, PAUL
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualTUCSON, AZ
$6,600
Jun 5, 2024
10
BERKLEY, WILLIAM
WRBC • CHAIRMAN
IndividualKEY LARGO, FL
$6,600
Jun 7, 2024

Sen. Klobuchar, Amy [D-MN]

ID: K000367

Top Contributors

25

1
LEECH LAKE BAND OF OJIBWE
OrganizationCASS LAKE, MN
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Aug 25, 2023
3
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationDURANT, OK
$2,500
Oct 7, 2024
4
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$2,300
Jul 17, 2023
5
ARISTOTLE INTERNATIONAL
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
OrganizationWASHINGTON, DC
$500
Jul 19, 2024
6
SMITH, BRADFORD
MICROSOFT CORPORATION • ATTORNEY
IndividualBELLEVUE, WA
$6,600
Mar 30, 2023
7
SMITH, BRADFORD
IndividualBELLEVUE, WA
$6,600
Mar 30, 2023
8
BADEN, DREW
PROFESSOR • UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND
IndividualBETHESDA, MD
$6,600
Feb 23, 2024
9
CAUCHY, CONSTANCE
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualMIDLAND, MI
$6,600
Jun 2, 2024
10
BADEN, DREW
IndividualBETHESDA, MD
$6,600
Mar 11, 2024

Donor Network - Sen. Duckworth, Tammy [D-IL]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 46 nodes and 53 connections

Total contributions: $53

Top Donors - Sen. Duckworth, Tammy [D-IL]

Showing top 22 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs20 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 harmed.

  • Section 3 and Section 4 imply increased regulatory scrutiny and potential restrictions on AI-enabled toys, which could increase costs and decrease demand for AI technology, thereby harming the AI & Cloud Infrastructure industry.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Federal Trade Commission

Strong
Vector: 65%
Pages: 908-910AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns strongly with Project 2025's FTC policy by focusing on protecting children from harmful digital practices, advocating for parental consent in contracts with minors, and supporting FTC action against unfair or deceptive trade practices involving children online—particularly through AI-enabled toys that may collect data or influence behavior without adequate safeguards."

Key themes:child online protectionparental consentunfair trade practicesFTC authoritydigital well-being of minors

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back

Federal Trade Commission

Strong
Vector: 65%
Pages: 908-910AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns strongly with Project 2025's focus on protecting children from harmful online practices by extending similar safeguards to AI-enabled toys, emphasizing parental consent, transparency, and FTC authority to address deceptive or unfair trade practices involving minors."

Key themes:child protectionparental consentFTC authorityunfair trade practicesonline safety

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.

Federal Trade Commission

Moderate
Vector: 62%
Pages: 911-913AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's concern about the negative impact of digital services on children's well-being and supports a more proactive FTC role in addressing potential harms from AI-enabled toys, though it focuses narrowly on product safety rather than broader antitrust or market power issues emphasized in the policy."

Key themes:child well-beingFTC responsibilitydigital harmsconsumer protectionproactive regulation

— 879 — Federal Trade Commission As Judge Frank Easterbrook famously suggested, regulators should look at the cost of error in their judgments. This argument has usually been used to buttress a tentative and hands off approach to antitrust because judicial error in antitrust will persist (Type II error) and continue to damage markets, while failure to take antitrust action (Type I error) will correct itself in the long run as competitors challenge monopolies.28 However, failing to take antitrust enforcement action (Type I error) includes the possibility of real injury to the structure of important American institutions such as democratic accountability and free speech. If so, a more proactive approach may be warranted. Certain online services, such as social media, have an unquestionable negative utility, particularly on young people, as set forth above. The more “efficient” pro- vision of such services may create more unhappiness. More broadly, the utility benefits of many online platforms and services are obscure and may be significantly overstated, as the most recent evidence suggests.29 The FTC must become more sophisticated in measuring consumer surplus. In addition, the FTC should be open to behavioral explanations, such as habit and small hedonic differences, as keys to how platforms create and keep market power.30 CONCLUSION Conservative approaches to antitrust and consumer protection continue to trust markets, not government, to give people what they want and provide the prosperity and material resources Americans need for flourishing, productive, and meaningful lives. At the same time, conservatives cannot be blind to certain developments in the American economy that appear to make government–private sector collusion more likely, threaten vital democratic institutions, such as free speech, and threaten the happiness and mental well-being of many Americans, particularly children. Many, but not all, conservatives believe that these develop- ments may warrant the FTC’s making a careful recalibration of certain aspects of antitrust and consumer protection law and enforcement. AUTHOR’S NOTE: The preparation of this chapter was a collective enterprise of individuals involved in the 2025 Presidential Transition Project. All contributors to this chapter are listed at the front of this volume, but Rachel Bovard, John Ehrett, Christopher Iacovella, Jessica Melugin, and Jon Schweppe deserve special mention. The author alone assumes responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any other individual. — 880 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise ENDNOTES 1. Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890, 15 U.S.C. §§ 1–38. 2. Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914, 15 U.S.C. §§ 12–27. 3. Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914, 15 U.S.C. §§ 41–58. 4. The Robinson–Patman Act, 15 U.S.C. §§ 13, 13b, and 21a. 5. Ernest Gellhorn, “An Introduction to Antitrust Economics,” Duke Law Journal, Vol. 24, No. 1, 1975, https:// scholarship.law.duke.edu/dlj/vol24/iss1/1 (accessed March 22, 2023). 6. Charles A. Boston, “The Spirit Behind the Sherman Anti-Trust Law,” Yale Law Journal, Vol. 21, No. 5, 1912, pp. 341–371. See especially p. 348. 7. Wiliam Howard Taft, The Anti-Trust Act and the Supreme Court (New York and London: Harper & Brothers, 1914), p. 4. 8. Robert Bork, The Antitrust Paradox:A Policy at War With Itself, (Bork Publishing: 1978, 2021), p. 109. 9. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson, “Institutions as Fundamental Causes of Long-Run Growth,” Handbook of Economic Growth, Vol. 1A, No. 385-472 2005, Chapter 6, pp. 386–419. 10. Milton Friedman references his own words in his essay “A Friedman Doctrine—The Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Profits,” The New York Times, September 13, 1970, https://www.nytimes. com/1970/09/13/archives/a-friedman-doctrine-the-social-responsibility-of-business-is-to.html%20 Capitalism%20and%20Freedom (accessed March 9, 2023). 11. Federal Trade Commission, “FTC Rescinds 2015 Policy that Limited Its Enforcement Ability Under the FTC Act,” July 1, 2021, https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2021/07/ftc-rescinds-2015-policy-limited- its-enforcement-ability-under-ftc-act (accessed March 9, 2023). 12. 295 U.S. 602 (1935). 13. While not directly relevant to the constitutionality of the FTC, the Court’s grant of certiorari in Cmty. Fin. Servs. Ass'n of Am., Ltd. v. Consumer Fin. Prot. Bureau, 51 F.4th 616 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted sub nom. CFPB v. Com. Fin. Servs. Assn., No. 22-448, 2023 WL 2227658 (U.S. Feb. 27, 2023), could signal a major retreat from Humphrey’s Executor. 14. U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Oversight of Federal Enforcement of the Antitrust Laws, September 20, 2022, https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/committee-activity/hearings/oversight-of-federal-enforcement-of- the-antitrust-laws (accessed March 9, 2023). 15. Milton Friedman, “A Friedman Doctrine.” 16. Joan Luby and Sarah Kurtz, “Increasing Suicide Rates in Early Adolescent Girls in the United States and the Equalization of Sex Disparity in Suicide: The Need to Investigate the Role of Social Media,” JAMA Network Open, Vol. 2, No. 5 (2019) https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/article-abstract/2733419 (last visited March 21, 2023); Brett Burstein, “Suicidal Attempts and Ideation Among Children and Adolescents in US Emergency Departments, 2007–2015.” JAMA Pediatrics, Vol. 173, No. 6 (2019), pp. 598–600, https://jamanetwork. com/journals/jamapediatrics/articlepdf/2730063/jamapediatrics_burstein_2019_ld_190006.pdf (last visited March 21, 2023); Katherine M. Keyes, Dahsan Gary, et al., “Recent Increases in Depressive Symptoms Among U.S. Adolescents: Trends from 1991 to 2018,” Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, Vol. 54, No. 8 (2019), pp. 987–99, https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s00127-019-01697-8 (last visited March 21, 2023); Ramin Mojtabai, Mark Olfson, and Beth Han, “National Trends in the Prevalence and Treatment of Depression in Adolescents and Young Adults,” Pediatrics, Vol. 138, No. 6 (2014), https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article-abstract/138/6/ e20161878/52639/National-Trends-in-the-Prevalence-and-Treatment-of (last visited March 21, 2023); Gregory Plemmons, Matthew Hall, et. al., Hospitalization for Suicide Ideation or Attempt: 2008–2015,” Pediatrics, Vol. 141, No. 6 (2018), https://publications.aap.org/pediatrics/article/141/6/e20172426/37690/Hospitalization-for-Suicide- Ideation-or-Attempt (last visited March 21, 2023); Henry A. Spiller, John P. Ackerman, et al., “Sex- and Age-Specific Increases in Suicide Attempts by Self-poisoning in the United States Among Youth and Young Adults from 2000 to 2018,” Journal of Pediatrics, Vol. 210, (2019), pp. 201–208, https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/ pii/S002234761930277X?casa_token=jms1NxTEV10AAAAA:Ouz_vL9ElIZ58p21w_5SuwOs0OJTNJZtCakf5O3I_ NJCcXWoBm0zDvDTvm-YB0Ma5pZhiKXN (last visited March 21, 2023); Jean M. Twenge, A. Bell Cooper, Thomas E. Joiner, et al., “Age, Period, and Cohort Trends in Mood Disorder Indicators and Suicide-related Outcomes in a Nationally Representative Dataset, 2005–2017,” Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Vol. 128 (2019), pp. 185–199, https://psycnet.apa.org/doiLanding?doi=10.1037%2Fabn0000410 (last visited March 21, 2023).

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Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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