Making America's Food Safer Act

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Bill ID: 119/s/4974
Last Updated: August 25, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Tuberville, Tommy [R-AL]

ID: T000278

Follow the money

The bill

Making America's Food Safer Act

S. 4974, 119th Congress — read as touching Pharmaceuticals.

The sponsor

Sen. Tuberville, Tommy [R-AL]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$90,700 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

55% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Agriculture" section, p. 338-340 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 530.

July 27, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**Summary of S. 4974: Making America's Food Safer Act**

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of S. 4974 is to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to improve food safety by expanding and refining the Accredited Third-Party Certification Program. Ostensibly, it aims to strengthen oversight of imported and domestically produced food by leveraging private auditors to certify compliance with safety standards. In reality, this bill is less about protecting consumers and more about outsourcing regulatory responsibility to the lowest bidder while giving Congress a shiny plaque to hang on the wall labeled “We Did Something About Food Safety.” The true objective? To create the *appearance* of vigilance without actually increasing FDA funding or authority—because why spend money on inspectors when you can pay private companies to stamp “approved” on paperwork and call it a day?

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill makes several technical but consequential changes to Section 808 of the FD&C Act: - It revises the definition of “eligible entity” to explicitly include any domestic or foreign facility in the food supply chain that *volunteers* for third-party audits—effectively turning certification into a pay-to-play opt-in system. - It removes the requirement that third-party certifications must accompany each food shipment for import, instead allowing the Secretary of HHS to use such certifications *only* for risk analysis and inspection prioritization—not as a gatekeeping tool. - It mandates that the Secretary establish a system to recognize accreditation bodies within two years—a timeline so generous it suggests the FDA currently lacks the capacity to oversee its own oversight program. - It strikes redundant references to direct accreditation and conforms terminology to blur the line between food and facility certification, making enforcement even more opaque. In short: the bill weakens mandatory certification requirements, expands voluntary participation, and entrenches a system where private auditors—hired and paid by the very entities they’re supposed to audit—determine whether your lettuce is likely to give you E. coli.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Food Importers & Domestic Processors:** Big winners. They can now choose whether to participate in costly audits, shop for lenient certifiers, and use certification as a marketing tool rather than a safety mandate. Expect a boom in “certified safe” labels on products that haven’t been meaningfully inspected. - **Third-Party Auditors & Accreditation Bodies:** Stand to profit handsomely from a growing market of voluntary certifications, with minimal accountability if their stamps of approval turn out to be worthless. - **FDA:** Gets to pretend it’s enhancing food safety while actually reducing its direct inspection burden—perfect for an agency chronically underfunded and politically neutered. - **Consumers:** Losers. You’ll see more “certified” labels on food, but less actual protection. When the next outbreak hits, the FDA will shrug and say, “We relied on third-party data”—as if outsourcing blame is a valid risk mitigation strategy. - **Taxpayers:** Foot the bill for a system that privatizes profit and socializes risk—again.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This bill will likely lead to a two-tiered food safety system: companies that can afford audits get a veneer of compliance; those that can’t (or won’t) fly under the radar. The FDA’s ability to block unsafe imports will atrophy, as certification becomes a suggestion, not a requirement. We’ll see more regulatory theater, more reliance on conflicted private auditors, and more frequent outbreaks traced back to facilities that “passed” their third-party audit with flying colors. In essence, S. 4974 doesn’t make America’s food safer—it makes the *illusion* of safety cheaper and more profitable for industry. It’s not a public health measure; it’s a regulatory placebo. And like all placebos, it works only until you get sick—and then you realize you’ve been sold sugar pills while the infection spreads. Congress didn’t pass a food safety

Related Topics

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💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Tuberville, Tommy [R-AL]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$90,700
21 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$20,900
Committees
$0
Individuals
$69,800

No PAC contributions found

1
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
3 transactions
$9,100
2
BROAD METRO LLC
1 transaction
$3,300
3
SUMMERLIN FARMS
2 transactions
$2,000
4
KENT HANCE BUSINESS
2 transactions
$2,000
5
BEACH ICE LLC
2 transactions
$1,000
6
LEELAND VENTURES LLC
1 transaction
$500
7
C&D CANNON FARMS
2 transactions
$500
8
LOROC FARMS
2 transactions
$500
9
OAK WILLOW CREATIVES LLC
2 transactions
$500
10
WINDHAUSEN FARMS
2 transactions
$500
11
DEMOTT PEANUT CO.
1 transaction
$250
12
DEMOTT TRUCKING LLC
1 transaction
$250
13
DEMOTT PEANUT CO
1 transaction
$250
14
HARWOOD REAL ESTATE
1 transaction
$250

No committee contributions found

1
MILES, WILSON DANIEL
1 transaction
$13,200
2
STAHL, LEWIS ARNOLD
1 transaction
$10,000
3
CALDWELL, MATTHEW THOMAS
1 transaction
$10,000
4
CALDWELL, JOSEPH W.
1 transaction
$10,000
5
CARTER, LEWIS M. JR
1 transaction
$10,000
6
CARTER, LEWIS M JR
1 transaction
$10,000
7
SPITZER, TERRY
1 transaction
$6,600

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 2 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Cassidy, Bill [R-LA]

ID: C001075

Top Contributors

20

1
YAWITZ, JESS B. MR.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualSAINT LOUIS, MO
$14,000
Jun 11, 2024
2
MANDELBLATT, DANIELLE
DMM PROPRIETA MANAGEMENT • MANAGER
IndividualASPEN, CO
$9,900
Nov 2, 2023
3
MANDELBLATT, ERIC
SOROBAN CAPITAL PARTNERS LP • MANAGING PARTNER
IndividualASPEN, CO
$9,900
Nov 2, 2023
4
JAYASINGHE, SAMAN K. DR.
SELF-EMPLOYED • PHYSICIAN
IndividualBATON ROUGE, LA
$9,900
Jun 13, 2024
5
KARP, ALEXANDER C.
PALANTIR TECHNOLOGIES • CEO
IndividualBEDFORD, NH
$9,900
Apr 16, 2024
6
OBERNDORF, SUSAN
HOMEMAKER • HOMEMAKER
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$9,900
Jun 5, 2024
7
OBERNDORF, WILLIAM
OBERNDORF ENTERPRISES • OWNER
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$9,900
Jun 5, 2024
8
YAWITZ, ALICE G.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualST. LOUIS, MO
$9,900
Jun 18, 2024
9
GRIGSBY, BOBBI F. MRS.
HOMEMAKER • HOMEMAKER
IndividualBATON ROUGE, LA
$6,600
Dec 23, 2024
10
GRIGSBY, L. LANE MR.
CAJUN INDUSTRIES LLC • CHAIRMAN EMERITUS
IndividualBATON ROUGE, LA
$6,600
Dec 23, 2024

Sen. Kaine, Tim [D-VA]

ID: K000384

Top Contributors

30

1
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$2,300
Jun 18, 2024
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$1,000
Jun 26, 2023
3
SAN MANUEL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLOS ANGELES, CA
$1,000
Jun 18, 2024
4
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,000
Jun 25, 2024
5
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$1,000
Jun 18, 2024
6
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationDURANT, OK
$1,000
Oct 15, 2024
7
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$1,000
Dec 29, 2023
8
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$600
Oct 25, 2023
9
STONEHALL FARM
OrganizationTHE PLAINS, VA
$500
Jun 30, 2024
10
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$400
Oct 25, 2023

Donor Network - Sen. Tuberville, Tommy [R-AL]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 31 nodes and 42 connections

Total contributions: $42

Top Donors - Sen. Tuberville, Tommy [R-AL]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

14 Orgs7 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 helped, 2 harmed.

  • +Pharmaceuticalsconfidence 0.80

    Section 4, subsection (3) provides an exception for the importation of prescription drugs for personal or household use, which may benefit the pharmaceutical industry by allowing for more flexible importation rules.

  • −Agribusinessconfidence 0.70

    Section 2, subsection (b) removes limitations on the use of certifications, which may increase regulatory burdens on agribusiness companies.

  • Section 4, subsection (1) may also harm restaurants and food service companies by increasing the risk of food shortages and supply chain disruptions.

  • Section 3, subsection (d) allows for the sharing of food safety information with state, local, tribal, and territorial authorities, which may help hospitals and health systems respond to foodborne illness outbreaks and improve public health.

  • +Health Insuranceconfidence 0.60

    Section 3, subsection (d) may also benefit health insurance companies by reducing the risk of foodborne illness outbreaks and associated healthcare costs.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Tuberville, Tommy [R-AL])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Agriculture

Weak
Vector: 65%
Pages: 338-340AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on enhancing food safety through third-party certification and FDA oversight, while the Project 2025 policy targets reducing USDA marketing orders, checkoff programs, and export promotion, with no direct connection to food safety mechanisms or third-party audits."

Key themes:food safetyregulatory oversightimport processes

— 306 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise programs,104 and they focus on research and promotion of commodities such as beef and eggs. Marketing orders cover research and promotion, but also cover issues such as quality regulations and volume controls. The latter issue, volume controls, is a means to restrict supply, which drives up prices for consumers. Fortunately, there are few active volume controls.105 Marketing orders and checkoff programs are some of the most egregious pro- grams run by the USDA. They are, in effect, a tax—a means to compel speech—and government-blessed cartels. Instead of getting private cooperation, they are tools for industry actors to work with government to force cooperation. The next Administration should: l Reduce the number and scope of marketing orders and checkoff programs. The USDA should reject any new requests for marketing orders and checkoff programs to the extent authorized by law and eliminate existing programs when possible. While the programs work differently, there are often petition processes and other ways that make it difficult for affected parties to get rid of the marketing orders and checkoff programs,106 and the USDA itself may not even be required to honor requests to terminate a program.107 The USDA should make the process easier. Further, the USDA should reject any effort to bring back volume controls to limit supplies of commodities. l Work with Congress to eliminate marketing orders and checkoff programs. These programs should be eliminated, and if industry actors want to collaborate, they should do so through private means, not using the government to compel cooperation. l Promote legislation that would require regular votes. There should be regular voting for parties subject to checkoff programs and marketing orders. For example, the voting should occur at least every five years, to determine whether a marketing order or checkoff program should continue. The USDA should be required to honor the results of such a vote. Through regular voting, parties can demonstrate their support for a marketing order or checkoff program and ensure that those administering them will be held accountable. Focus on Trade Policy, Not Trade Promotion. The USDA’s Foreign Agri- cultural Service (FAS) covers numerous issues, including “trade policy,” which is a reference to removing trade barriers, among other things, to ensure an envi- ronment conducive to trade.108 It also covers trade promotion.109 This includes programs like the Market Access Program110 that subsidizes trade associations, — 307 — Department of Agriculture businesses, and other private entities to market and promote their products overseas. FAS should play a proactive and leading role to help open upmarkets for American farmers and ranchers. There are numerous barriers, such as sani- tary and phytosanitary measures, blocking American agricultural products from gaining access to foreign markets.111 However, FAS should not help businesses and industries promote their exports, something these businesses and industries can and should do on their own. The next Administration should: l Push legislation to repeal export promotion programs. The USDA should work with Congress to repeal market development programs like the Market Access Program and similar programs. Remove Obstacles for Agricultural Biotechnology. Innovation is critical to agricultural production and the ability to meet future food needs. The next Admin- istration should embrace innovation and technology, not hinder its use—especially because of scare tactics that ignore sound science. One of the key innovations in agriculture is genetic engineering. According to the USDA, “[C]urrently, over 90 percent of U.S. corn, upland cotton, and soybeans are produced using GE [genet- ically engineered] varieties.”112 Despite the importance of agricultural biotechnology, in 2016, Congress passed a federal mandate to label genetically engineered food.113 This legislation was argu- ably just a means to try to provide a negative connotation to GE food. There are other challenges as well for agricultural biotechnology. For example, Mexico plans to ban the importation of U.S. genetically modified yellow corn.114 The next Administration should: l Counter scare tactics and remove obstacles. The USDA should strongly counter scare tactics regarding agricultural biotechnology and adopt policies to remove unnecessary barriers to approvals and the adoption of biotechnology. l Repeal the federal labeling mandate. The USDA should work with Congress to repeal the federal labeling law, while maintaining federal preemption, and stress that voluntary labeling is allowed. l Use all tools available to remove improper trade barriers against agricultural biotechnology. The USDA should work closely with the Office of the United States Trade Representative to remove improper barriers imposed by other countries to block U.S. agricultural goods.

Department of Health and Human Services

Minimal
Vector: 68%
Pages: 488-490AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on enhancing food safety through third-party certification reforms, while the Project 2025 HHS section emphasizes abortion data reporting, gender identity data collection restrictions, pharmaceutical competition, laboratory-developed tests, drug shortages, and abortion pills—none of which are addressed in the bill."

— 456 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise abortion providers and whether better prenatal physical, mental, and social care improves infant outcomes and decreases abortion rates, especially among those who are most vulnerable. The Ensuring Accurate and Complete Abortion Data Reporting Act of 20239 would amend title XIX of the Social Security Act and Public Health Service Act to improve the CDC’s abortion reporting mechanisms by requiring states, as a condition of federal Medicaid payments for family planning services, to report streamlined variables in a timely manner. The CDC should immediately end its collection of data on gender identity, which legitimizes the unscientific notion that men can become women (and vice versa) and encourages the phenomenon of ever-multiplying subjective identities. FOOD AND DRUG ADMINISTRATION (FDA) The FDA’s mission includes ensuring the safety and efficacy of drugs, biological products, and medical devices. Federal Laws That Shield Big Pharma from Competition. Because generics generally cost far less than brand-name drugs, consumers begin to save money as soon as a generic product comes on the market. The vast majority are very afford- able with 93 percent of generic products costing $20 or less. Savings would be even higher under proposals that prevent brand-name man- ufacturers from slowing down or impeding the entrance of generic products into the marketplace. Specifically, the FDA should prohibit pharmaceutical companies from purposely sitting on their legally available right to be the first to sell generic versions of their drugs. Additionally, Congress should create legal remedies for generic companies to obtain samples of brand-name products for their generic development efforts and should prohibit meritless “citizen petitions” submitted by manufacturers to delay approval of a generic competitor.10 Approval Process for Laboratory-Developed or Modified Medical Tests. Learning from the failed early COVID-19 testing experience, Congress and the FDA should focus on reforming laws and regulations governing medical tests, especially with respect to laboratory-developed tests. Commercial tests are developed with the intention of being widely marketed, distributed, and used, while laboratory-developed tests are created with the intention of being used solely within one laboratory. A test developed by a lab in accordance with the protocols developed by another lab (non-commercial sharing) currently constitutes a “new” laboratory-developed test because the lab in which it will be used is different from the initial developing lab. To encourage interlab- oratory collaboration and discourage duplicative test creation (and associated regulatory and logistical burdens), the FDA should introduce mechanisms through which laboratory-developed tests can easily be shared with other laboratories with- out the current regulatory burdens.11 — 457 — Department of Health and Human Services The “laboratory-developed tests” category currently encompasses a range of possible tests, many of which would be characterized more appropriately as “lab- oratory-modified tests” because they are not truly novel tests but rather modified versions of existing tests. To avoid stifling innovation and access to medical care, the applicable statutes and regulations should be revised to facilitate greater access to such modified tests.12 Finally, the FDA has long held that it has regulatory authority over such tests, while others have argued that they should be considered clinical services regulated by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS). The FDA currently has regulatory authority over in vitro diagnostics, and under the Clinical Lab- oratory Improvement Amendments (CLIA),13 the CMS ensures that labs meet analytical validity standards for test methods. Congress, the FDA, and the CMS need to clarify and disentangle overlapping authorities over tests to eliminate regulatory confusion.14 Drug Shortages. The very thin profit margins and the regulatory burdens associated with generic drug manufacturing discourage inventory and capacity investments by manufacturers and contribute to drug shortages. HHS and the FDA should encourage more dependable generic drug manufacturing. The FDA should expand its current pass/fail approach to drug facility inspec- tions into a graded system that recognizes manufacturers that exceed minimum standards by investing in improving production reliability. The FDA should also add facility codes to drug packaging and construct a searchable database that cross-references product codes and facility codes. That would enable wholesalers and pharmacy benefit managers to identify and preference drugs manufactured at more reliable facilities, thus encouraging generic drug manufacturers to compete on reliability as well as on price. For its part, HHS should exempt multi-source generic drugs from requirements to pay rebates to Medicaid and other federally funded health programs, as those provisions penalize new investments in expanding manufacturing capacity when supply is unable to meet demand.15 Additionally, FDA and NIH should promote efficacy trials of new applications for generic drugs, which might include NIH fund- ing such trials or conducting its own. Abortion Pills. Abortion pills pose the single greatest threat to unborn chil- dren in a post-Roe world. The rate of chemical abortion in the U.S. has increased by more than 150 percent in the past decade; more than half of annual abortions in the U.S. are chemical rather than surgical. The abortion pill regimen is typically a two-part process. The first pill, mifepris- tone, causes the death of the unborn child by cutting off the hormone progesterone, which is required to sustain a pregnancy. The second pill, misoprostol, causes con- tractions to induce a delivery of the dead child and uterine contents, usually into a toilet at home. The abortion-pill regimen is currently approved for up to 70 days

Department of Agriculture

Minimal
Vector: 65%
Pages: 341-343AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on food safety oversight through third-party certification reforms, while the Project 2025 policy targets the repeal or reform of the Dietary Guidelines due to concerns about politicization and overreach into environmental advice. There is no substantive overlap in subject matter, objectives, or mechanisms between the two."

— 309 — Department of Agriculture Eliminate or Reform the Dietary Guidelines. The USDA, in collaboration with HHS, publishes the Dietary Guidelines every five years.125 For more than 40 years, the federal government has been releasing Dietary Guidelines,126 and during this time, there has been constant controversy due to questionable recommenda- tions and claims regarding the politicization of the process. In the 2015 Dietary Guidelines process, the influential Dietary Guidelines Advi- sory Committee veered off mission and attempted to persuade the USDA and HHS to adopt nutritional advice that focused not just on human health, but the health of the planet.127 Issues such as climate change and sustainability infiltrated the process. Fortunately, the 2020 process did not get diverted in this manner. How- ever, the Dietary Guidelines remain a potential tool to influence dietary choices to achieve objectives unrelated to the nutritional and dietary well-being of Americans. There is no shortage of private sector dietary advice for the public, and nutrition and dietary choices are best left to individuals to address their personal needs. This includes working with their own health professionals. As it is, there is constantly changing advice provided by the government, with insufficient qualifications on the advice, oversimplification to the point of miscommunicating important points, questionable use of science, and potential political influence. The Dietary Guidelines have a major impact because they not only can influence how private health providers offer nutritional advice, but they also inform federal programs. School meals are required to be consistent with the guidelines.128 The next Administration should: l Work with lawmakers to repeal the Dietary Guidelines. The USDA should help lead an effort to repeal the Dietary Guidelines. l Minimally, the next Administration should reform the Dietary Guidelines. The USDA, with HHS, should develop a more transparent process that properly considers the underlying science and does not overstate its findings. It should also ensure that the Dietary Guidelines focus on nutritional issues and do not veer off-mission by focusing on unrelated issues, such as the environment, that have nothing to do with nutritional advice. In fact, if environmental concerns supersede or water down recommendations for human nutritional advice, the public would be receiving misleading health information. The USDA, working with lawmakers, should codify these reforms into law. ORGANIZATIONAL ISSUES Based on the recommended reforms identified as ideal solutions, the USDA would look different in many respects. One of the biggest changes would be a USDA that is not focused on welfare, given that means-tested welfare programs would — 310 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise be moved to HHS. The Food and Nutrition Service that administers the food and nutrition programs would be eliminated. The Farm Service Agency, which administers many of the farm subsidy pro- grams, would be significantly smaller in size if the ideal farm subsidy reforms were adopted. Most important, a conservative USDA, as envisioned, would not be used as a governmental tool to transform the nation’s food system, but instead would respect the importance of efficient agricultural production and ensure that the government does not hinder farmers and ranchers from producing an abundant supply of safe and affordable food. For a conservative USDA to become a reality, and for it to stay on course with the mission as outlined, the White House must strongly support these reforms and install strong USDA leaders. These individuals almost certainly will be faced with opposition from some in the agricultural community who would fight changing subsidies in any fashion, although many of the reforms would likely be embraced by those in agriculture. There would be strong opposition from environmental groups and others who want the federal government to transform American agriculture to meet their ideo- logical objectives. Finally, there would be opposition from left-of-center groups who do not want to reform SNAP and would expand welfare and dependency—such as through universal free school meals—as opposed to reducing dependency. Reducing the scope of government and promoting individual freedom may not always be easy, but it is something that conservatives regularly should strive for. The listed reforms to the U.S. Department of Agriculture would help to accom- plish these objectives and are well worth fighting for to achieve a freer and more prosperous nation. CONCLUSION This chapter started with a discussion of the incredible success of American farmers and American agriculture in general. This is how the chapter should close as well. Americans are blessed with an agricultural sector, and a food system in general, which are worthy of incredible respect. A conservative USDA should appreciate this while recognizing that its role is to serve the interests of all Amer- icans, not special interests. By being a champion of unleashing the potential of American agriculture, a conservative USDA would help to ensure a future with an abundant supply of safe and affordable food for individuals and families in the United States and across the globe. AUTHOR’S NOTE: The author would like to thank all the contributors for their assistance, expertise, and insight into the development of this chapter. In addition, special thanks are due to Rachael Wilfong, who was instrumental in getting the chapter ready for submission.

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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