Voter ID Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/9368
Last Updated: August 20, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Steil, Bryan [R-WI-1]

ID: S001213

Follow the money

The bill

Voter ID Act

HR. 9368, 119th Congress.

The sponsor

Rep. Steil, Bryan [R-WI-1]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$154,506 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Justice" section, p. 596-598 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 653.

July 14, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**HR 9368: Voter ID Act – A Legislative Tumor Disguised as Election Integrity**

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated goal of HR 9368 is to “protect election integrity” by mandating photo ID for all federal voters—a solution in search of a problem so rare it makes UFO sightings look common. The real objective? To suppress turnout among demographics less likely to possess or easily obtain government-issued photo ID: the poor, elderly, minorities, and students. This isn’t about preventing fraud; it’s about engineering electorates. The bill’s sponsors, led by Mr. Steil, wrap voter suppression in the gauze of “security,” ignoring that in-person voter impersonation—the only fraud this addresses—occurs at a rate lower than being struck by lightning while winning the lottery.

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** HR 9368 amends the Help America Vote Act of 2002 to require **physical photo ID** for in-person voting, with no exceptions for expired IDs, financial hardship, or logistical barriers. Voters without ID may cast a provisional ballot—but only if they return within **three days** with either the ID or a **religious objection affidavit** (yes, because “I don’t like photos” is now a protected class, but “I can’t afford to take off work to get an ID” is not). For mail-in voters, the bill demands a copy of photo ID, last four SSN digits, and an affidavit of “reasonable efforts” to obtain ID—or a notarized ballot. Exceptions exist only for military/overseas voters and those protected under disability access laws—because apparently, the elderly and disabled are the only groups deemed worthy of accommodation. The bill also mandates states provide free public access to digital imaging devices (copiers/scanners) in government buildings—a hollow gesture, given that access ≠ usability, especially for those without transportation, time, or tech literacy.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Voters:** Low-income, rural, elderly, minority, and young voters face disproportionate barriers. The “religious objection” loophole is a cynical sop that ignores structural inequities. - **States:** Forced to fund ID education, provisional ballot processing, and public imaging devices—unfunded mandates dressed as “state flexibility.” - **Election Officials:** Tasked with enforcing arbitrary ID rules while managing increased provisional ballots and litigation. - **Lobbyists & Politicians:** The real winners. Republicans gain a tool to shrink the electorate; Democrats get a rallying cry. Election integrity NGOs profit from the ensuing chaos. Lawyers? They’re licking their chops.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** This bill won’t stop fraud—it never could. But it *will* reduce turnout by 2–3% in key demographics, enough to swing close elections. It invites lawsuits under the 14th Amendment and Voting Rights Act, clogging courts for years. The “free imaging device” mandate is a Potemkin village: putting a copier in a police station doesn’t help if you’re working two jobs, lack childcare, or fear law enforcement. Ultimately, HR 9368 isn’t about securing elections—it’s about securing power by making it harder for certain people to vote. It’s not a remedy; it’s a symptom. And the disease? A political party that prefers rigging the game to winning it fairly. **Diagnosis:** Legislative malpractice with intent to disenfranchise. Prognosis: Poor—for democracy.

Related Topics

Elections & Voting RightsImmigration & Border SecurityResearch & Innovation Policy
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Steil, Bryan [R-WI-1]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$154,506
21 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$26,600
Committees
$0
Individuals
$127,906

No PAC contributions found

1
FOREST COUNTY POTAWATOMI COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$6,600
2
HO CHUNK NATION
2 transactions
$6,200
3
ONEIDA NATION
3 transactions
$4,000
4
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
1 transaction
$3,300
5
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
2 transactions
$3,000
6
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$2,500
7
THE CHICKASAW NATION
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
MAYER, SCOTT A.
3 transactions
$33,000
2
ADAMANY, KIMBERLY K.
2 transactions
$13,636
3
MAYER, SUSANNE
2 transactions
$13,200
4
G, DAVID
1 transaction
$6,870
5
WHITE, MICHAEL
1 transaction
$6,600
6
ADAMANY, MICHAEL
1 transaction
$6,600
7
BUHOLZER, GLENDA
1 transaction
$6,600
8
WILEY, LADD
1 transaction
$6,600
9
MOORE, NOEL G.
1 transaction
$6,600
10
BUSH, KATHLEEN M.
1 transaction
$6,600
11
BUSH, MARK F.
1 transaction
$6,600
12
MURESIANU, ANDREI
1 transaction
$5,000
13
BARRETT, BRAD
1 transaction
$5,000
14
SUZMAN, ANDREW
1 transaction
$5,000

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 7 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Miller, Mary E. [R-IL-15]

ID: M001211

Top Contributors

23

1
WINRED PAC
PACARLINGTON, VA
$13,010
Mar 31, 2023
2
ADAMS MEMORIALS
OrganizationCHARLESTON, IL
$1,000
Mar 23, 2023
3
VAHLING VINEYARDS
OrganizationSTEWARDSON, IL
$500
Jan 11, 2024
4
KASPAR, SCOTT
KASPAR LAW COMPANY • LAWYER
IndividualORLAND PARK, IL
$13,200
Mar 22, 2023
5
BISHOP, JACK L MR
SELF EMPLOYED • INVESTOR
IndividualLAKE BLUFF, IL
$10,000
Mar 30, 2023
6
BISHOP, JACK L MR
SELF EMPLOYED • INVESTOR
IndividualLAKE BLUFF, IL
$7,700
Mar 30, 2023
7
FORSYTHE, GERALD R MR
INDECK ENERGY SERVICES • CEO
IndividualNAPLES, FL
$6,600
Nov 14, 2023
8
DAMAS, BETH A
SOUTHWEST ENDODONTICS • ENDODONTIST
IndividualORLAND PARK, IL
$6,600
Mar 22, 2023
9
FORSYTHE, GERALD R MR
INDECK ENERGY SERVICES • CEO
IndividualNAPLES, FL
$6,600
Aug 15, 2023
10
UIHLEIN, RICHARD
ULINE • CEO
IndividualLAKE BLUFF, IL
$5,800
Jan 26, 2023

Rep. Murphy, Gregory F. [R-NC-3]

ID: M001210

Top Contributors

20

1
DOISE, DARYL
OCEANS HEALTHCARE • EXEC VP
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$6,700
Apr 1, 2024
2
DOISE, DARYL
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$6,700
Apr 10, 2024
3
KAPOOR, DEEPAK
SOLARIS HEALTH • PHYSICIAN EXECUTIVE
IndividualFORT LAUDERDALE, FL
$6,600
Sep 23, 2024
4
KAPOOR, DEEPAK
IndividualFORT LAUDERDALE, FL
$6,600
Sep 30, 2024
5
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
BLACKSTONE • CEO AND CHAIRMAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Oct 21, 2024
6
ARUMUGHAM, PRADEEP
ECU • DOCTOR
IndividualKINSTON, NC
$3,300
Dec 11, 2023
7
BOWEN, JOEY M
PRIVATEER TOBACCO CO. INC. • TOBACCONIST
IndividualGREENVILLE, NC
$3,300
Nov 15, 2023
8
BOWEN, JOEY M
PRIVATEER TOBACCO CO. INC. • TOBACCONIST
IndividualGREENVILLE, NC
$3,300
Nov 15, 2023
9
CLARK, MELISSA A
HOMEMAKER • HOMEMAKER
IndividualGREENVILLE, NC
$3,300
Oct 6, 2023
10
CLARK, MELISSA A
HOMEMAKER • HOMEMAKER
IndividualGREENVILLE, NC
$3,300
Oct 6, 2023

Rep. Hinson, Ashley [R-IA-2]

ID: H001091

Top Contributors

0

No contribution data available

Rep. Griffith, H. Morgan [R-VA-9]

ID: G000568

Top Contributors

20

1
BUNN, JAMES O.
CENTRAL COAL CO • MINING ENGINEER
IndividualBRISTOL, VA
$3,300
Dec 18, 2024
2
CHARLES, DAVID
MOOD PRODUCTS GROUP LLC • EXECUTIVE
IndividualAUSTIN, TX
$3,300
Dec 4, 2023
3
HAMER, JONATHAN S.
MASTERY CONSULTING • BUSINESS CONSULTANT
IndividualRANCHO PALOS VERDES, CA
$3,300
Dec 22, 2023
4
JOURNAY, JUSTIN
3CHI • EXECUTIVE
IndividualFISHERS, IN
$3,300
Dec 22, 2023
5
PATEL, GOPESH
VLS PHARMACY INC • PHARMACIST
IndividualNEW HYDE PARK, NY
$3,300
Oct 26, 2023
6
RAY, RICHIE
RICHIE'S SPECIALTY PHARMACY • PHARMACIST
IndividualTHE WOODLANDS, TX
$3,300
Oct 27, 2023
7
RAY, RICHIE
RICHIE'S SPECIALTY PHARMACY • PHARMACIST
IndividualTHE WOODLANDS, TX
$3,300
Oct 27, 2023
8
WORLEY, JEFFREY
COLUMBIA CONSULTING • EXECUTIVE
IndividualARGYLE, TX
$3,300
Dec 6, 2023
9
BLUMENFELD, JACOB
QUEST MANAGEMENT GROUP LLC • REAL ESTATE
IndividualBALTIMORE, MD
$3,300
Feb 23, 2024
10
CRANE, DAVID
BOSE PUBLIC AFFAIRS GROUP • CONSULTANT
IndividualALEXANDRIA, VA
$3,300
Mar 6, 2024

Rep. Carey, Mike [R-OH-15]

ID: C001126

Top Contributors

20

1
KITTLE, JEFFREY
KITTLE PROPERTY GROUP • CEO
IndividualINDIANAPOLIS, IN
$6,600
Oct 24, 2023
2
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Sep 28, 2023
3
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
BLACKSTONE • CEO AND CHAIRMAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Sep 27, 2023
4
BAGAN, JOSEPH W.
STAQ PHARMA • CEO
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$4,000
Oct 14, 2024
5
BAGAN, JOSEPH W.
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$4,000
Oct 16, 2024
6
BORKOWSKI, BRIAN
HEARTLAND CHARGING SERVICES • COO
IndividualBELLEAIR BEACH, FL
$3,435
Oct 15, 2024
7
FISCHER, ALEX
SELF EMPLOYED • CONSULTING REAL ESTATE
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$3,300
Oct 8, 2024
8
BARRERAS, LORI
STATE OF OHIO • COMMISSIONER, OCRC
IndividualCOLUMBUS, OH
$3,300
Nov 8, 2024
9
LAIRD, JAMES F.
DIAMOND HILL • EXECUTIVE
IndividualDUBLIN, OH
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
10
RICHARDSON, JOHN G.
SUGARCREEK • CHAIRMAN
IndividualCINCINNATI, OH
$3,300
Dec 16, 2024

Rep. Lee, Laurel M. [R-FL-15]

ID: L000597

Top Contributors

25

1
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BROADCASTERS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (NABPAC)
PACWASHINGTON, DC
$1,000
Oct 29, 2024
2
DREAM FINDERS HOMES
OrganizationJACKSONVILLE, FL
$6,600
Mar 27, 2024
3
DREAM FINDERS HOMES
OrganizationJACKSONVILLE, FL
$6,600
Mar 27, 2024
4
DREAM FINDERS HOMES
OrganizationJACKSONVILLE, FL
$3,300
Mar 27, 2024
5
MICCOSUKEE TRIBE
OrganizationMIAMI, FL
$3,000
May 13, 2024
6
RANNEY, TIM
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualSAINT PETERSBURG, FL
$6,600
Dec 10, 2023
7
BARNETT, HOYT R
PUBLIX • EXECUTIVE
IndividualLAKELAND, FL
$6,600
Feb 21, 2024
8
BOWDEN, VIRGINIA
STAR VIEW ADVISORS • MANAGING PARTNER
IndividualCLEARWATER, FL
$6,600
Mar 28, 2024
9
HOSSEINI, FOROUGH B
ICI HOMES • CEO
IndividualDAYTONA, FL
$6,600
Mar 29, 2024
10
HOSSEINI, MORTEZA
ICI HOMES • CHAIRMAN & CEO
IndividualDAYTONA BEACH, FL
$6,600
Mar 29, 2024

Rep. Kim, Young [R-CA-40]

ID: K000397

Top Contributors

39

1
PECHANGA BAND OF LUISENO INDIANS
OrganizationTEMECULA, CA
$3,300
Dec 21, 2023
2
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Jul 28, 2023
3
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationRED ROCK, OK
$3,300
Jul 28, 2023
4
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA OF NORTH DAKOTA
OrganizationBELCOURT, ND
$3,300
Jul 28, 2023
5
AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS
OrganizationPALM SPRINGS, CA
$3,300
Sep 30, 2024
6
PECHANGA BAND OF LUISENO INDIANS
OrganizationTEMECULA, CA
$3,300
Jul 25, 2024
7
AT&T INC & ITS AFFLIATES
OrganizationSACRAMENTO, CA
$3,000
Mar 5, 2024
8
ABBVIE PAC - FEDERAL PAC
OrganizationSACRAMENTO, CA
$2,500
Sep 30, 2023
9
SAN MANUEL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLOS ANGELES, CA
$2,300
Oct 25, 2024
10
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationSANTA YNEZ, CA
$2,000
Oct 28, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Steil, Bryan [R-WI-1]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 51 nodes and 68 connections

Total contributions: $68

Top Donors - Rep. Steil, Bryan [R-WI-1]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

7 Orgs14 Individuals

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Justice

Strong
Vector: 68%
Pages: 596-598AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's DOJ policy by reinforcing election integrity measures, particularly around ballot curing procedures and voter ID requirements, which the policy argues should not be altered by local officials without legislative authority. Both emphasize strict adherence to state-defined election procedures and oppose ad hoc modifications that could undermine uniform enforcement."

Key themes:election integrityballot curing restrictionsvoter ID requirementsHAVA compliancefederal oversight of state election procedures

— 563 — Department of Justice Voter fraud includes unlawful practices concerning voter registration and ballot correction. When state legislatures are silent as to procedures for absentee ballot curing or provide specific rules governing that curing, neither counties nor courts may create a cure right where one does not exist, may not modify the law on curing, and certainly cannot engage in creating consent orders with the force of law that are inconsistent with the orders of other similarly situated counties. The DOJ has ceded substantial discretion concerning voter suppression to the Civil Rights Division. Since the Bush Administration, DOJ leadership has determined that using the Election Crimes Branch to prosecute fraudulent voter registration, including mail-in ballot fraud, was too politically costly.78 The Crim- inal Division’s Federal Prosecution of Election Offenses handbook advised that schemes that violated equal protection constituted “voter suppression” prosecut- able under 18 U.S. Code § 241 as part of the guidelines for which the department’s criminal prosecutors were trained.79 State-based investigations of election crimes are supposed to be referred to the Public Integrity Section for review. Historically, 18 U.S. Code § 241 (conspiracy against rights) was used as a basis for investigating state officials whose statements or orders violated the equal protection rights of voters or deliberately misinformed voters concerning the eligibility of their ballots. Nevertheless, the Department of Justice has formalized the Civil Rights Divi- sion’s (as opposed to the Criminal Division’s) jurisdiction over 18 U.S. Code § 241 investigations and prosecutions. The Criminal Division is no longer involved in consultation or review of 18 U.S. Code § 241 investigations.80 The Criminal Division has accordingly advised states that “[i]n the case of a crime of violence or intimida- tion,” they should “call 911 immediately and before contacting federal authorities” because “[s]tate and local police have primary jurisdiction over polling places,”81 despite clearly applicable federal law. This is a mistake. With respect to the 2020 presidential election, there were no DOJ investigations of the appropriateness or lawfulness of state election guidance. Consider the state of Pennsylvania. The Secretary of State sent guidance to the counties stating that: This revised guidance addresses the issuance, voting and examination of provisional ballots under the Election Code. Provisional ballots were originally mandated by section 302 of the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA). Provisional ballot amendments included in Act 77 of 2019 went into effect for the 2020 Primary election. Provisional ballot amendments included in Act 12 of 2020 go into effect for the first time on November 3, 2020.82 HAVA, however, mandates provisional ballots only for eligible voters who were not on a state’s voter registration list.83 It does not apply to those who registered for mail-in voting but whose ballots were rejected due to some form of spoliation.

Department of Justice

Strong
Vector: 66%
Pages: 596-598AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's DOJ policy by reinforcing election integrity measures and opposing what it frames as unlawful ballot curing practices, particularly through strict ID requirements and limitations on provisional ballot use for mail-in voters, which mirrors the policy's critique of state-level guidance that bypasses statutory curing prohibitions."

Key themes:election integrityprovisional ballot restrictionsvoter fraud preventionballot curing limitationsDOJ enforcement of election laws

— 563 — Department of Justice Voter fraud includes unlawful practices concerning voter registration and ballot correction. When state legislatures are silent as to procedures for absentee ballot curing or provide specific rules governing that curing, neither counties nor courts may create a cure right where one does not exist, may not modify the law on curing, and certainly cannot engage in creating consent orders with the force of law that are inconsistent with the orders of other similarly situated counties. The DOJ has ceded substantial discretion concerning voter suppression to the Civil Rights Division. Since the Bush Administration, DOJ leadership has determined that using the Election Crimes Branch to prosecute fraudulent voter registration, including mail-in ballot fraud, was too politically costly.78 The Crim- inal Division’s Federal Prosecution of Election Offenses handbook advised that schemes that violated equal protection constituted “voter suppression” prosecut- able under 18 U.S. Code § 241 as part of the guidelines for which the department’s criminal prosecutors were trained.79 State-based investigations of election crimes are supposed to be referred to the Public Integrity Section for review. Historically, 18 U.S. Code § 241 (conspiracy against rights) was used as a basis for investigating state officials whose statements or orders violated the equal protection rights of voters or deliberately misinformed voters concerning the eligibility of their ballots. Nevertheless, the Department of Justice has formalized the Civil Rights Divi- sion’s (as opposed to the Criminal Division’s) jurisdiction over 18 U.S. Code § 241 investigations and prosecutions. The Criminal Division is no longer involved in consultation or review of 18 U.S. Code § 241 investigations.80 The Criminal Division has accordingly advised states that “[i]n the case of a crime of violence or intimida- tion,” they should “call 911 immediately and before contacting federal authorities” because “[s]tate and local police have primary jurisdiction over polling places,”81 despite clearly applicable federal law. This is a mistake. With respect to the 2020 presidential election, there were no DOJ investigations of the appropriateness or lawfulness of state election guidance. Consider the state of Pennsylvania. The Secretary of State sent guidance to the counties stating that: This revised guidance addresses the issuance, voting and examination of provisional ballots under the Election Code. Provisional ballots were originally mandated by section 302 of the Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA). Provisional ballot amendments included in Act 77 of 2019 went into effect for the 2020 Primary election. Provisional ballot amendments included in Act 12 of 2020 go into effect for the first time on November 3, 2020.82 HAVA, however, mandates provisional ballots only for eligible voters who were not on a state’s voter registration list.83 It does not apply to those who registered for mail-in voting but whose ballots were rejected due to some form of spoliation. — 564 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Pennsylvania Act 12 (amended in 2020) does not authorize curing by providing provisional ballots for mail-in voters whose ballots were rejected. Act 12 requires, as part of the mail-in application process, an affidavit that: [The elector] shall not be eligible to vote at a polling place on election day unless the elector brings the elector’s mail-in ballot to the elector’s polling place, remits the ballot and the envelope containing the declaration of the elector to the judge of elections to be spoiled and signs a statement subject to the penalties under 18 Pa.C.S. § 4904 (relating to unsworn falsification to authorities) to the same effect.84 The law in Pennsylvania clearly states that no county may affirmatively provide provisional ballots: The mail-in voter must vote in person and sign a new affidavit. In the 2020 election, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court recognized that “the Election Code contains no requirement that voters whose ballots are deemed inadequately verified be apprised of this fact. Thus, unlike in-person voters, mail-in or absentee voters are not provided any opportunity to cure perceived defects in a timely man- ner.”85 Given the Pennsylvania Secretary of State’s use of guidance to circumvent state law, the Pennsylvania Secretary of State should have been (and still should be) investigated and prosecuted for potential violations of 18 U.S. Code § 241. Investigations and prosecutions under 18 U.S. Code § 241 are currently within the jurisdictional oversight of the Civil Rights Division, not the Criminal Division.86 Only by moving authority for 18 U.S. Code § 241 investigations and prosecutions back to the Criminal Division will the rule of law be appropriately enforced. Rejecting Third-Party Requests for Politically Motivated Investigations or Prosecutions. The DOJ should reject demands from third-party groups that ask it to threaten politically motivated investigation or prosecution of those engag- ing in lawful and, in many cases, constitutionally protected activity. By acceding to such demands, the department risks diminishing its credibility with the American public. This risk is exacerbated by the fact that communications between govern- ment officials and third-party groups are generally unprotected by privilege and subject to disclosure, whether via subpoena to the third-party group or via request made pursuant to the Freedom of Information Act. These communications can even be made public voluntarily by the third-party group. A recent example illustrates the risks posed by such activity. On October 4, 2021, Attorney General Merrick Garland issued a memorandum to the Director of the FBI, the Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys, and the Assistant Attorney General, Criminal Division, calling on the FBI to work with each U.S. Attorney to “con- vene meetings with federal, state, local, Tribal, and territorial leaders” to discuss strategies for addressing “threats against school administrators, board members, teachers, and staff.”87 Subsequent reporting and investigation revealed that the

Department of Justice

Weak
Vector: 59%
Pages: 596-598AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on implementing voter ID requirements for federal elections, while the Project 2025 DOJ section emphasizes prosecuting election-related misconduct under 18 U.S.C. § 241 and rejecting politically motivated investigations. There is minimal direct overlap, as the bill does not address DOJ prosecutorial authority, § 241 enforcement, or third-party request scrutiny."

Key themes:election integrityvoter fraud preventionDOJ oversight

— 564 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Pennsylvania Act 12 (amended in 2020) does not authorize curing by providing provisional ballots for mail-in voters whose ballots were rejected. Act 12 requires, as part of the mail-in application process, an affidavit that: [The elector] shall not be eligible to vote at a polling place on election day unless the elector brings the elector’s mail-in ballot to the elector’s polling place, remits the ballot and the envelope containing the declaration of the elector to the judge of elections to be spoiled and signs a statement subject to the penalties under 18 Pa.C.S. § 4904 (relating to unsworn falsification to authorities) to the same effect.84 The law in Pennsylvania clearly states that no county may affirmatively provide provisional ballots: The mail-in voter must vote in person and sign a new affidavit. In the 2020 election, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court recognized that “the Election Code contains no requirement that voters whose ballots are deemed inadequately verified be apprised of this fact. Thus, unlike in-person voters, mail-in or absentee voters are not provided any opportunity to cure perceived defects in a timely man- ner.”85 Given the Pennsylvania Secretary of State’s use of guidance to circumvent state law, the Pennsylvania Secretary of State should have been (and still should be) investigated and prosecuted for potential violations of 18 U.S. Code § 241. Investigations and prosecutions under 18 U.S. Code § 241 are currently within the jurisdictional oversight of the Civil Rights Division, not the Criminal Division.86 Only by moving authority for 18 U.S. Code § 241 investigations and prosecutions back to the Criminal Division will the rule of law be appropriately enforced. Rejecting Third-Party Requests for Politically Motivated Investigations or Prosecutions. The DOJ should reject demands from third-party groups that ask it to threaten politically motivated investigation or prosecution of those engag- ing in lawful and, in many cases, constitutionally protected activity. By acceding to such demands, the department risks diminishing its credibility with the American public. This risk is exacerbated by the fact that communications between govern- ment officials and third-party groups are generally unprotected by privilege and subject to disclosure, whether via subpoena to the third-party group or via request made pursuant to the Freedom of Information Act. These communications can even be made public voluntarily by the third-party group. A recent example illustrates the risks posed by such activity. On October 4, 2021, Attorney General Merrick Garland issued a memorandum to the Director of the FBI, the Executive Office for U.S. Attorneys, and the Assistant Attorney General, Criminal Division, calling on the FBI to work with each U.S. Attorney to “con- vene meetings with federal, state, local, Tribal, and territorial leaders” to discuss strategies for addressing “threats against school administrators, board members, teachers, and staff.”87 Subsequent reporting and investigation revealed that the — 565 — Department of Justice memorandum was prompted by a September 29, 2021, letter sent by the National School Boards Association (NSBA) to President Biden demanding a federal law enforcement response to perceived threats to school board members and pub- lic-school employees. The NSBA letter made outlandish demands in response to protests that were then occurring at school board meetings in response to COVID policies and revela- tions about the use of critical race theory–infused curricula in classrooms. Among the letter’s demands was a call for a federal investigation into parents’ actions (“hei- nous actions” that “could be the equivalent to a form of domestic terrorism and hate crimes”) under a variety of federal laws including the “Gun-Free Zones Act, the PATRIOT Act in regards to domestic terrorism, the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes and Prevention Act, the Violent Interference with Federally Protected Rights statute, and the Conspiracy Against Rights statute” and “an Executive Order to enforce all applicable federal laws for the protection of students and public school district personnel, and any related measure.”88 Both the Attorney General’s memorandum and the NSBA letter drew swift public condemnation, including from 14 sitting state Attorneys General.89 A sub- sequent internal investigation commissioned by the NSBA revealed that officials at the White House had been in discussions with NSBA officials about the contents of the letter weeks before it was issued. The investigation also revealed that White House officials indicated they planned to raise the contents of the draft letter with DOJ officials a full week before the NSBA’s letter was issued.90 This cooperation by a third-party group, the White House, and the DOJ to craft and coordinate a response to an ill-advised and politically motivated letter under- mines the department’s credibility as an impartial law enforcement agency. In the words of the 14 state Attorneys General who wrote to oppose the department’s memorandum, “potential collusion between the White House, the Department, and the NSBA in the actual creation of the September 29 letter—as a pretext for threats against parents—raises serious concerns.”91 The DOJ should carefully scrutinize all requests for law enforcement assis- tance and reject requests by third parties to engage in political grandstanding that ignores the department’s traditional jurisdictional limits and that would trample politically controversial but constitutionally protected activity. Ensuring Proper Distribution of DOJ Grant Funds. DOJ grants are an underutilized asset in most conservative Administrations. When used properly, they can be highly effective in implementing the President’s priorities. The Office of Justice Programs (OJP) is comprised of six components and is responsible for most DOJ grants to local law enforcement, juvenile justice, and victims of crime as well as for criminal justice research and statistics. The opportunity to support a President’s agenda may be greater through OJP grant funding than it is through any of the federal government’s other grant-making components.

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Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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