Bill ID: 119/hr/4586
Last Updated: September 2, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick, Sheila [D-FL-20]

ID: C001127

Follow the money

The bill

AIDA

HR. 4586, 119th Congress — read as touching Crypto & Fintech.

The sponsor

Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick, Sheila [D-FL-20]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$79,700 raised

23 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Agency for International Development" section, p. 309-311 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

ASSUMING FIRST SPONSORSHIP - Mr. Jackson (IL) asked unanimous consent that he may hereafter be considered as the first sponsor of H.R. 4586, a bill originally introduced by Representative Cherfilus-McCormick for the purpose of adding cosponsors and requesting reprintings pursuant to clause 7 of rule XII. Agreed to without objection.

September 1, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**HR 4586 – African Diaspora Investment and Development Act (AIDA)** *Introduced July 22, 2025 – Sponsored by Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick (FL) and Rep. Jackson (IL)*

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of AIDA is to harness the economic power of the U.S.-based African and Caribbean diaspora by reducing remittance costs, incentivizing productive investment in home countries, and formalizing diaspora engagement as a pillar of U.S. foreign economic policy. The bill frames remittances not just as humanitarian lifelines but as underutilized engines of development—claiming that lowering transfer fees to the UN’s 3% SDG target could save developing nations billions annually. It seeks to transform informal, emotionally driven money transfers into strategic, scalable investments in health, education, agriculture, clean energy, and youth employment—positioning diaspora capital as a force multiplier in U.S.-Africa and U.S.-Caribbean relations.

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** - **Remittance Cost Reduction**: Directs U.S. policy to lower remittance fees via market competition, fintech innovation, and diaspora-owned platforms—explicitly rejecting price controls while targeting the 3% SDG goal. Prohibits taxation on personal remittances (a largely symbolic gesture, as no such federal tax currently exists). - **Diaspora Investment Incentives**: Mandates the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (USIDFC) to run a matching grant program: up to $5,000 per taxpayer (inflation-adjusted) for qualifying investments in Africa or the Caribbean that meet development benchmarks. - **SEC Accredited Investor Carve-Out**: Requires the SEC to create rules allowing non-accredited African diaspora investors to be treated as accredited *if* they invest in issuers already backed by USIDFC or another qualified development finance institution—effectively creating a backdoor to private securities access based on identity and institutional affiliation, not wealth or sophistication. - **Policy Recognition**: Codifies the diaspora as “legitimate partners” in U.S. foreign economic policy, development assistance, and national investment strategy—elevating informal networks to formal policy actors.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Primary Beneficiaries**: ~6.6M first-generation African and Caribbean immigrants in the U.S., particularly those sending remittances or seeking to invest in home countries. - **Financial Services Industry**: Remittance providers (Western Union, MoneyGram, fintechs like Wave or Chipper Cash) face pressure to lower fees and innovate; potential new markets for diaspora-focused investment products. - **USIDFC & SEC**: Tasked with implementing matching funds and creating novel investor classification rules—expanding their mandates into identity-based financial inclusion. - **Recipient Countries**: African and Caribbean nations stand to gain from lower transfer costs and increased formal investment inflows—if the incentives work. - **Taxpayers**: Fund the USIDFC matching program—though capped at $5K per person, the fiscal impact depends on uptake. - **Losers**: High-cost remittance corridors profiting from 7–10% fees; traditional banks resisting fintech competition; skeptics who view diaspora engagement as sentimental policy over substance.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** On paper, AIDA is a clever, if pandering, attempt to reframe immigration as an economic asset—turning guilt over brain drain into pride over “diaspora dividends.” The remittance cost focus is empirically sound: lowering fees *does* increase flows and developmental impact. But the matching grant and SEC provisions reek of legislative theater—$5K matches are trivial compared to the $110B+ in annual remittances, and the accredited investor loophole risks creating a two-tiered securities system based on ethnicity rather than investor protection principles.

The bill’s real genius (or cynicism) lies in its vagueness: it avoids concrete funding mechanisms, sid

Related Topics

Foreign Aid & DiplomacyResearch & Innovation PolicyImmigration & Border Security
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick, Sheila [D-FL-20]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$79,700
16 donors
PACs
$500
Organizations
$6,600
Committees
$0
Individuals
$72,600
1
AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE
1 transaction
$500
1
SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA
2 transactions
$6,600

No committee contributions found

1
FIGGERS, FREDDIE
2 transactions
$13,200
2
MOISE, RUDOLPH
3 transactions
$9,900
3
RADOW, LINDA
2 transactions
$6,600
4
RADOW, NORMAN
2 transactions
$6,600
5
ARISON, MADELEINE
2 transactions
$6,600
6
GEORGE, DAVID J.
1 transaction
$3,300
7
GOLDEN, SYLVIA
1 transaction
$3,300
8
GORI, PHILIP
1 transaction
$3,300
9
MUELLER, KYLE
1 transaction
$3,300
10
GOLDMAN, AARON
1 transaction
$3,300
11
KEITH-LAZOWICK, ADOLPHINE
1 transaction
$3,300
12
RUBIN, MARK
1 transaction
$3,300
13
SANDBERG, SHERYL
1 transaction
$3,300
14
TAPLIN, NORMAN E
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 5 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Jackson, Jonathan L. [D-IL-1]

ID: J000309

Top Contributors

20

1
DUDA, KENNETH
ARISTA NETWORKS INC. • SOFTWARE ENGINEERING
IndividualMENLO PARK, CA
$6,600
Jun 21, 2024
2
GUPTA, ANUJA
VERANDAH • FOUNDER
IndividualHANOVER PARK, IL
$6,600
Mar 19, 2024
3
BURKLE, RON
THE YUCAIPA COMPANIES, LLC • MANAGING PARTNER
IndividualWEST HOLLYWOOD, CA
$6,600
Apr 16, 2024
4
DUDA, KENNETH
ARISTA NETWORKS INC. • SOFTWARE ENGINEERING
IndividualMENLO PARK, CA
$6,600
Jun 21, 2024
5
KAMANZI, OLIVIER
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$5,000
Jun 29, 2024
6
ADAMS, HAYDEN
UNISWAP LABS • FOUNDER AND CEO
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Aug 14, 2024
7
CHU MA, SUM
SELF • RESTURANT OWNER
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,300
Aug 27, 2024
8
DUDA, JENNIFER
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualMENLO PARK, CA
$3,300
Jul 24, 2024
9
GABLE, WILLIE
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualNEW ORLEANS, LA
$3,300
Sep 14, 2024
10
KNOWLING, ROBERT
EAGLES LANDING PARTNERS • EXECUTIVE
IndividualGLENNVILLE, GA
$3,300
May 21, 2024

Rep. Carson, André [D-IN-7]

ID: C001072

Top Contributors

22

1
BARONA BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLAKESIDE, CA
$1,500
May 22, 2023
2
INDIANA IMPORT LLC
OrganizationFISHERS, IN
$1,000
Nov 11, 2023
3
MNAYMEH, HALA
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualCORAL GABLES, FL
$3,300
Oct 21, 2024
4
DE LA CRUZ, FABIO
WESTON PROPERTY MANAGEMENT • PARTNER
IndividualINDIANAPOLIS, IN
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
5
KHAN, AZHER M
CALDERON TEXTILES • PRESIDENT
IndividualCARMEL, IN
$3,300
Dec 8, 2023
6
HOGAN, ALAN P.
THE HOGAN GROUP, INC. • CONSULTANT
IndividualINDIANAPOLIS, IN
$3,300
Feb 22, 2023
7
JOHNSON, LACY M.
ICE MILLER • ATTORNEY
IndividualINDIANAPOLIS, IN
$3,300
Mar 16, 2023
8
STACK, ANN M.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualINDIANAPOLIS, IN
$3,300
Feb 22, 2023
9
ABDALLA, MIKE A.
MAGNA PROPERTIES • PRESIDENT
IndividualINDIANAPOLIS, IN
$3,300
Mar 11, 2024
10
MAMOUN, IHSAN
SDI RADIOLOGY • PHYSICIAN
IndividualSEFFNER, FL
$3,300
Jan 23, 2024

Rep. Davis, Danny K. [D-IL-7]

ID: D000096

Top Contributors

26

1
CONSULATE OF JAMAICA
OrganizationWASHINGTON, DC
$2,500
Jun 30, 2023
2
PLASTY PAC
OrganizationARLINGTON HEIGHTS, IL
$1,000
Jul 1, 2024
3
DLV
OrganizationCHICAGO, IL
$955
Oct 10, 2023
4
AL BOSTAAN SERVICES
OrganizationBRIDGEVIEW, IL
$500
Jun 30, 2023
5
COMMITTEE TO ELECT JUDGE THOMAS MORE DONNELLY
OrganizationCHICAGO, IL
$500
Jun 30, 2023
6
MELISSA FOR CHICAGO
OrganizationCHICAGO, IL
$500
Jun 30, 2023
7
ALLEN, ANDRE
RIGHTEOUS WORKS • BUNDING ENG.
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,300
Sep 18, 2023
8
CHEN, YONG
EATON • ELECTRICAL ENGINEER
IndividualBURBANK, IL
$3,300
Aug 2, 2023
9
CHOPRA, PARAMJIT S.
FIELD MUSEUM • FUNDRASING
IndividualGLENVIEW, IA
$3,300
Sep 5, 2023
10
CUCCO, FRANK T
IMPACT NETWORKING • CEO/PARTNER
IndividualKILDEER, IL
$3,300
Aug 30, 2023

Del. Plaskett, Stacey E. [D-VI-At Large]

ID: P000610

Top Contributors

21

1
AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY
OrganizationMARICOPA, AZ
$1,000
Sep 20, 2024
2
DOWNS, PAUL RICHARD
TYCHEROS CAPITAL MANAGEMENT • CEO
IndividualCHRISTIANSTED, VI
$6,600
Apr 18, 2023
3
DOWNS, PAUL RICHARD
IndividualCHRISTIANSTED, VI
$6,600
Apr 23, 2023
4
WELTERS, ANTHONY
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualMCLEAN, VA
$3,300
Dec 31, 2023
5
HOLT, JOEL H.
SELF EMPLOYED • LAWYER
IndividualCHRISTIANSTED, VI
$3,300
Oct 7, 2024
6
HOLT, JACQUELINE L.
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualCHRISTIANSTED, VI
$3,300
Oct 7, 2024
7
HENRY, SUDAFI
THEGROUP • ATTORNEY
IndividualTAKOMA PARK, MD
$3,300
Jan 18, 2024
8
THOMPSON, DARREL
THEGROUP • CONSULTANT
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$3,300
Jan 18, 2024
9
SKURNIK, MICHAEL
SELF • WHOLESALE WINE DISTRIBUTORS
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Apr 10, 2023
10
SKURNIK, MICHAEL
SELF • WHOLESALE WINE DISTRIBUTORS
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Apr 10, 2023

Rep. Bell, Wesley [D-MO-1]

ID: B001324

Top Contributors

37

1
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$3,300
Mar 1, 2024
2
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$3,300
Mar 12, 2024
3
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$1,000
Mar 27, 2024
4
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$1,000
Mar 27, 2024
5
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$1,000
Feb 6, 2024
6
SUN POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE
PACCORAL GABLES, FL
$1,000
Feb 16, 2024
7
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$500
Mar 28, 2024
8
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$500
Mar 29, 2024
9
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$500
Mar 1, 2024
10
DEMOCRACY ENGINE INC PAC
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACALEXANDRIA, VA
$500
Jan 25, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick, Sheila [D-FL-20]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 38 nodes and 53 connections

Total contributions: $53

Top Donors - Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick, Sheila [D-FL-20]

Showing top 16 donors by contribution amount

1 PAC1 Org14 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 4 helped.

  • +Crypto & Fintechconfidence 0.80

    Section 6 promotes fintech innovation and provides seed funding to persons seeking to establish a remittance provider, which could benefit crypto and fintech companies involved in remittances.

  • Section 4 provides support for diaspora-led investment funds, which could attract private equity and hedge fund investments.

  • +Commercial Banksconfidence 0.60

    Section 5 authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to provide support for the issuance of diaspora bonds, which could involve commercial banks.

  • Section 5 authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to provide support for the issuance of diaspora bonds, which could involve investment banks.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Cherfilus-McCormick, Sheila [D-FL-20])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Agency for International Development

Strong
Vector: 65%
Pages: 309-311AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns strongly with Project 2025's emphasis on leveraging diaspora engagement, promoting private-sector investment, and strengthening U.S.-Africa economic ties through strategic development initiatives. Both prioritize reducing reliance on traditional aid models by empowering local actors and diaspora communities as drivers of self-reliance and job-creating investment."

Key themes:diaspora engagementprivate-sector investmenteconomic self-relianceU.S.-Africa business tiesdevelopment finance coordination

— 276 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise USAID efforts in Africa require a rethink. In 2025, USAID will update its five- year Country Development and Cooperation Strategies. This will give the next Administration an opportunity to pursue a new development course for Africa that promotes economic self-reliance, catalyzes private-sector solutions for job creation through increased trade and investment, terminates legacy and nonper- forming programs, and supports diversified energy approaches. Critically, it must hold China accountable for its extractive investments that violate international labor, environmental, and anticorruption norms and practices; undercut business opportunities for U.S. companies; and sabotage Africa’s development. l USAID, in collaboration with the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation, U.S. Department of State, U.S. Department of the Treasury, and U.S. Department of Commerce’s Foreign Commercial Service, should use its convening power, diplomatic heft, and risk-reducing instruments to facilitate U.S.–African business relationships and expand Prosper Africa, launched by the Trump Administration to “bring[] together services from across the U.S. Government to help companies and investors do business in U.S. and African markets.”17 l The Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)18 provides Africa duty- free access to U.S. markets. The next Administration should extend AGOA beyond its 2025 term but within a strategic framework that rewards good governance and pro–free market economic policies. There is no point in wasting massive sums of aid to countries whose governments fail to keep their promises to reform. l USAID should build on, not compete with, private-sector initiatives launched by global churches, corporate philanthropists, and diaspora groups that have already invested billions of dollars in self-reliance– based projects. Japan has committed $30 billion in aid to Africa over three years to stem China’s economic and political grip on the continent. Gulf-based sovereign funds also are investing billions in African energy, infrastructure, mining, water, food production, information and communications technology, and other strategic industries. Other allied donors are promoting investment-based aid. There is no lack of funding to support Africa’s economic rise. What is lacking is strategic direction among U.S. government foreign aid agencies. PEPFAR has saved countless lives over the years and constitutes America’s most successful aid program. During the Trump Administration, PEPFAR increased the share of funding to local entities from about 20 percent to nearly 70 percent with — 277 — Agency for International Development commensurate improvements that have had lasting impact. The next Administra- tion should extend that localization model to all global health and humanitarian assistance in view of how local African entities have strengthened their capacity for direct management of U.S. programs. Correspondingly, USAID should aggressively ramp down its partnerships with wasteful, costly, and politicized U.N. agencies, international NGOs, and Beltway contractors. All new programs in Africa should build on existing local initiatives that enjoy the support of the African people. Latin America. U.S. foreign assistance throughout the Western Hemisphere is designed to respond to national security threats that emanate from the region, such as illicit drug and arms trafficking; illegal immigration flows; terrorism; pandemics; and strategic threats from China, Russia, and Iran. Over the past decade, the United States has provided billions of dollars in security, humani- tarian, and development assistance in Central America and the Andes, including $1 billion in food and non-food emergency aid to millions of Venezuelan refu- gees who have fled the Maduro dictatorship. USAID is always first to respond to natural disasters in Central America and the Caribbean and employs a network of dedicated experts in the region to deliver this assistance. During the COVID pandemic, the United States provided millions of doses of vaccines and other emergency health support. Yet years of foreign aid have failed to bring peace, prosperity, and stability to the hemisphere. Poverty, joblessness, and social unrest have led to leftist electoral victories from Mexico to Chile. These regimes are hostile to American interests and private enterprise, breed corruption, implement radical policies that will further impoverish their people and threaten their democracies, and are more open to striking partnerships with Communist China. Left-wing authoritarian kleptocra- cies in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela deny their people basic freedoms, violently and ruthlessly suppress any dissent, repress communities of faith, and generate such misery that hundreds of thousands of their citizens have attempted to cross our southern border over the past two years. No recent Administration has made any progress in reducing the chaos and desperation in Haiti. Conversely, Latin America is a major global source of energy and food, which generates substantial income that can finance internal social and economic devel- opment. The nations of the hemisphere share a natural and massive geographic trade and investment advantage through their proximity to the United States, supplemented by free-trade agreements. The United States remains the favored destination for higher education and business opportunities for Latin Americans. Successful diasporas in the United States serve as powerful economic, cultural, and political bridges to every country in the region. The Trump Administration focused on promoting trade and investment, especially in infrastructure, through an interagency effort called América Crece (America Grows), by which USAID played a key role in providing technical

Agency for International Development

Moderate
Vector: 65%
Pages: 306-308AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on private-sector-led development, economic growth, and partnerships with diaspora and faith-based communities, though it focuses on Africa and the Caribbean rather than the regions prioritized in the document (Asia, Middle East). Both seek to leverage private investment and reduce reliance on traditional aid models."

Key themes:private sector partnershipseconomic growthdiaspora engagementfaith-based organizationsdevelopment finance

— 273 — Agency for International Development of the agency’s non-health, nonhumanitarian funding as well as almost all of its sectoral appropriations directives, including those that reflect the pet projects of individual Members of Congress. The Bureau is the policy and financial nexus at USAID for most of the Biden Administration’s radical priorities in foreign assis- tance, including gender, climate change, and the promotion of identity-based politics. On the positive side, DDI is also the Bureau in charge of areas that will be crucial to a reorientation of USAID, including trade, economic growth, inno- vation, partnerships with the private sector, and the agency’s relationship with communities of faith. The next conservative Administration should make the rapid staffing of key DDI positions a high priority. Besides the Senate-confirmed Assistant Administrator, the Directors of each of the Centers and Hubs in the Bureau will need political leadership. Almost every one of the agencywide policies that cover DDI’s areas of responsibility will need to be edited or rewritten entirely as soon as possible. The next conservative Administration should harvest DDI’s central appropriations to fund new priorities, especially working with ethnic and religious minorities and faith-based organizations and joint ventures with the private sector in education and energy. All DDI programs should issue funding opportunities restricted to new and underutilized partners modeled on the NPI. REGIONS Asia. Asia is the most populous continent and ground zero in the battle against Communist China’s efforts to exploit the development needs of poor countries for geopolitical gain. America’s Indo-Pacific Strategy should guide USAID’s approaches to disbursing foreign aid in the region. USAID should intensify its bilateral relationships with pro–free market Japan, Australia, South Korea, and India so that they can jointly advance private-sector solutions to secure financing for power generation, infrastructure, digital con- nectivity, investment and trade expansion, and other economic activities. USAID enjoys a strong in-country presence in India, buttressed by recent coordination on the global response to COVID-19 as India is a global leader in vaccine produc- tion. Those ties should be expanded. So too should development cooperation with Taiwan, which boasts effective pandemic response capacity that should be shared with developing countries. China’s island-hopping efforts to capture vulnerable Pacific states is a direct strategic threat to U.S. maritime supremacy and homeland security, and USAID and its allied donors should neutralize these efforts through the deployment of targeted assistance such as helping countries combat the effects of China’s ille- gal fishing. While China outpaces the ability of the democratic alliance to deploy state-backed financing to developing countries, it is unable to compete with our collective private-sector capacity to deploy trillions of dollars of capital. — 274 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Pakistan is a prime example of foreign aid policies disconnected from U.S. national interests. The country has been the recipient of more than $12 billion in U.S. foreign aid since 2010, yet it remains intensely anti-American and corrupt, has backed the Taliban continuously since 2001, jump-started North Korea’s nuclear bomb program, brutalizes its religious minorities, and is a willing client of China while taking on unrepayable loans from the U.S. taxpayer-funded International Monetary Fund and World Bank. Middle East. The Middle East is far more vulnerable today than it was in 2020 because the Biden Administration’s strategy for the region is adrift. Tunisia has slid into autocracy, Iraq is plummeting further into Iran’s orbit, and U.S. soldiers continue to risk their lives for unclear ends amid the ruins of Syria. Meanwhile, billions of dollars in U.S. foreign aid props up regimes allied with Iran. President Trump’s Abraham Accords signaled the end of the centrality of the Arab–Israeli conflict, which paralyzed U.S. approaches to the region, and focused instead on Iran as the principal threat to America from this region. During the Trump Administration, USAID’s allocations reflected the new opportunities created by the Accords and sought to strengthen regional alliances against Iran through expanded regional trade and investment and to promote genuine polit- ical stability tethered to strong American leadership. USAID formally partnered with the United Arab Emirates, Israel, Morocco, Qatar, and Kuwait to catalyze regional partnerships in Africa. Under the Biden Administration, however, USAID has returned to a model that deepens the region’s dependence on aid. A new conservative President should reset USAID’s programming in the Middle East in line with our national security interests and committed to the goal of ending the need for foreign aid through development that is led by the private sector. Specifically: l Foreign aid must advance the Abraham Accords. Increased trade and investment between Israel and its Arab neighbors represent the most effective path toward reducing poverty, fostering the emergence of a middle class, and solidifying peace. USAID should therefore focus its development assistance on countries such as Morocco and Sudan through joint investment collaboration with the more economically advanced economies such as the UAE and Israel. l USAID should consider cutting aid to states allied to Iran, limiting assistance in these countries to the advancement of narrow strategic priorities and support for basic American values, such as aid to persecuted religious minorities. USAID continues to expend hundreds of millions of dollars in nonhumanitarian aid to antagonistic regimes in Iraq, Lebanon, and the Palestinian territories. After billions of dollars of aid and many

Agency for International Development

Moderate
Vector: 65%
Pages: 309-311AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on diaspora engagement and local capacity building in Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly through leveraging diaspora communities as economic partners and promoting investment in local initiatives. However, it does not directly address the policy's focus on reducing reliance on U.N. agencies, international NGOs, or Beltway contractors, nor does it emphasize market-oriented reforms like deregulation or tax cuts in recipient countries."

Key themes:diaspora engagementlocal investmenteconomic developmentCaribbean focusfinancial inclusion

— 277 — Agency for International Development commensurate improvements that have had lasting impact. The next Administra- tion should extend that localization model to all global health and humanitarian assistance in view of how local African entities have strengthened their capacity for direct management of U.S. programs. Correspondingly, USAID should aggressively ramp down its partnerships with wasteful, costly, and politicized U.N. agencies, international NGOs, and Beltway contractors. All new programs in Africa should build on existing local initiatives that enjoy the support of the African people. Latin America. U.S. foreign assistance throughout the Western Hemisphere is designed to respond to national security threats that emanate from the region, such as illicit drug and arms trafficking; illegal immigration flows; terrorism; pandemics; and strategic threats from China, Russia, and Iran. Over the past decade, the United States has provided billions of dollars in security, humani- tarian, and development assistance in Central America and the Andes, including $1 billion in food and non-food emergency aid to millions of Venezuelan refu- gees who have fled the Maduro dictatorship. USAID is always first to respond to natural disasters in Central America and the Caribbean and employs a network of dedicated experts in the region to deliver this assistance. During the COVID pandemic, the United States provided millions of doses of vaccines and other emergency health support. Yet years of foreign aid have failed to bring peace, prosperity, and stability to the hemisphere. Poverty, joblessness, and social unrest have led to leftist electoral victories from Mexico to Chile. These regimes are hostile to American interests and private enterprise, breed corruption, implement radical policies that will further impoverish their people and threaten their democracies, and are more open to striking partnerships with Communist China. Left-wing authoritarian kleptocra- cies in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela deny their people basic freedoms, violently and ruthlessly suppress any dissent, repress communities of faith, and generate such misery that hundreds of thousands of their citizens have attempted to cross our southern border over the past two years. No recent Administration has made any progress in reducing the chaos and desperation in Haiti. Conversely, Latin America is a major global source of energy and food, which generates substantial income that can finance internal social and economic devel- opment. The nations of the hemisphere share a natural and massive geographic trade and investment advantage through their proximity to the United States, supplemented by free-trade agreements. The United States remains the favored destination for higher education and business opportunities for Latin Americans. Successful diasporas in the United States serve as powerful economic, cultural, and political bridges to every country in the region. The Trump Administration focused on promoting trade and investment, especially in infrastructure, through an interagency effort called América Crece (America Grows), by which USAID played a key role in providing technical — 278 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise assistance to create a more enabling environment to attract private investment. The Biden Administration canceled the program. The next conservative Administration should reassess all programs of U.S. for- eign aid to Latin America and terminate those that have failed to achieve results after years of effort. Instead, USAID should: l Focus its resources on strengthening the fundamentals of free markets, such as clear property rights and a functioning judiciary, and on promoting labor and pension reforms, lower taxes, and deregulation in order to increase trade and investment within the region and with the United States as the genuine path to economic and political stability. l Challenge the socialist ideas that have captured too many of the region’s governments and their nations’ youth. l Fund partnerships with the private sector and support civil-society groups, including university centers and think tanks that advocate for pro–free market and democratic ideas. Finally, Latin America is the perfect proving ground for reducing USAID’s reli- ance on large U.S.-based implementers, and the agency should commit to shifting all of its portfolio in the region to local organizations by 2030. PERSONNEL The Trump Administration agenda for USAID was undercut from the outset both by recalcitrant career personnel and by inexperienced political personnel. The next conservative Administration should implement personnel policies from the beginning so that the agency can be effectively managed according to high stan- dards. The rapid deployment of reforms will require key experienced personnel installed quickly at USAID’s headquarters and missions. Delay will only impede progress. In general, areas of focus should be appointing effective lawyers in key positions, reforming career hiring/firing mechanisms, and getting a grip on the grantmaking process. The Administration should staff the Office of the General Counsel with at least four politically appointed attorneys (besides the General Counsel). The General Counsel should have two political deputies, one of whom should cover Human Capital and Talent Management (HCTM) and the other the Office of Acquisition and Assistance (OAA). The Administration should name a political appointee with long experience in federal personnel systems as USAID’s Chief Human Capital Officer and Director of HCTM. This appointee would help to scope and shepherd position descriptions,

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