To amend the Military Land Withdrawals Act of 2013 to withdraw and reserve certain public land in the vicinity of Yuma Proving Ground, Arizona.

Download PDF
Bill ID: 119/hr/8686
Last Updated: August 19, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Gosar, Paul A. [R-AZ-9]

ID: G000565

Follow the money

The bill

To amend the Military Land Withdrawals Act of 2013 to withdraw and reserve certain public land in the vicinity of Yuma Proving Ground, Arizona.

HR. 8686, 119th Congress — read as touching Oil & Gas.

The sponsor

Rep. Gosar, Paul A. [R-AZ-9]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$81,900 raised

23 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

70% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Defense" section, p. 140-142 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by Unanimous Consent.

June 9, 2026

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the intellectually bankrupt minds in Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The main purpose of HR 8686 is to withdraw and reserve approximately 22,000 acres of public land near Yuma Proving Ground, Arizona, for military use. Because, you know, the Army just can't get enough of blowing things up in the desert. The objective is to support "military readiness and security," which is code for "we want to keep playing with our expensive toys without any pesky environmental or civilian interference."

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends the Military Land Withdrawals Act of 2013 to add a new subtitle, which withdraws the specified land from public use and reserves it for military purposes. It also establishes management responsibilities, allows for certain activities like conservation and recreation, and permits the issuance of leases and other land-use authorizations – all with the requisite bureaucratic red tape, of course.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The affected parties include the Secretary of the Army, the Secretary of the Interior, the Bureau of Land Management, and various environmental and recreational groups who will undoubtedly be thrilled to have their access restricted. Oh, and let's not forget the poor, beleaguered taxpayers who will foot the bill for this latest example of military largesse.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** The potential impact is a mixed bag of goodies: more military exercises, potentially increased environmental degradation, limited public access, and a healthy dose of bureaucratic inefficiency. But hey, who needs transparency or accountability when you're dealing with national security? The implications are clear: this bill is a symptom of the disease of militarism, where the pursuit of military power and prestige trumps all other considerations – including the well-being of citizens and the environment.

In conclusion, HR 8686 is a textbook example of legislative cynicism, designed to serve the interests of the military-industrial complex while paying lip service to environmental and recreational concerns. It's a disease, really – a disease of corruption, cowardice, and stupidity that infects our political system and undermines the public trust. And we're all just along for the ride, watching as our elected representatives peddle their wares to the highest bidder. Joy.

Related Topics

Public Lands & Natural Resources
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Gosar, Paul A. [R-AZ-9]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$81,900
13 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$4,000
Committees
$0
Individuals
$77,900

No PAC contributions found

1
COLORADO RIVER INDIANS TRIBES
2 transactions
$3,000
2
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
SCHIRMER, SCOTT
4 transactions
$16,600
2
SMITH, RYAN
4 transactions
$16,600
3
TAPIA, DONALD
2 transactions
$10,000
4
PECK, JOHN
2 transactions
$6,600
5
HINMAN, ROY
2 transactions
$6,600
6
O'KEEFFE, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$5,000
7
BERGER, JOSHUA
1 transaction
$3,300
8
COOLEY, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$3,300
9
DUNN, TIMOTHY
1 transaction
$3,300
10
MORGAN, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300
11
NORTON, ELIJAH
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Hamadeh, Abraham J. [R-AZ-8]

ID: H001098

Top Contributors

24

1
CLB PARTNERS
OrganizationGILBERT, AZ
$12,000
Jan 28, 2024
2
ADVANTAGE INSURANCE PLLC
OrganizationPHOENIX, AZ
$3,300
May 7, 2024
3
JARDIN RATZKEN PLLC
OrganizationTEMPE, AZ
$1,000
Feb 26, 2024
4
JARDIN RATZKEN PLLC
OrganizationTEMPE, AZ
$1,000
Mar 26, 2024
5
HAMADEH, WASEEM J
HOH INVESTMENT GROUP • MANAGING MEMBER
IndividualPHOENIX, AZ
$13,200
Dec 29, 2023
6
MANLEY, DWIGHT
SELF-EMPLOYED • INVESTMENTS
IndividualBREA, CA
$13,200
Dec 13, 2023
7
HAYDEN, STEPHEN
ENTREPRENEUR • ENTREPRENEUR
IndividualELLENSBURG, WA
$13,200
Mar 14, 2024
8
PRICE, KAPU
PATRIOT DISPOSAL • SELF-EMPLOYED
IndividualPRESCOTT, AZ
$13,200
Feb 29, 2024
9
HAYDEN, STEPHEN
ENTREPRENEUR • ENTREPRENEUR
IndividualELLENSBURG, WA
$13,200
Mar 14, 2024
10
NOWOCIEN, PIOTR
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualPINECREST, FL
$9,900
Mar 16, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Gosar, Paul A. [R-AZ-9]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 38 nodes and 53 connections

Total contributions: $53

Top Donors - Rep. Gosar, Paul A. [R-AZ-9]

Showing top 13 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs11 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 1 harmed.

  • −Oil & Gasconfidence 0.90

    Section 2999B(a)(3) withdraws land from disposition under all laws relating to mineral and geothermal leasing, which harms oil and gas extraction.

  • Section 2999E allows issuance of utility rights-of-way for critical regional-grid level utility infrastructure (e.g., transmission lines) within the withdrawn land, benefiting energy infrastructure operators.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Defense

Moderate
Vector: 60%
Pages: 140-142AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 8686 supports Army training and testing by securing land for military use, which aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on improving training and operational readiness. However, the bill does not address broader reforms such as budget increases, modernization, force structure expansion, recruiting, or cultural changes outlined in the policy."

Key themes:military readinesstraining and testingland management for defenseoperational readinessArmy mission support

— 108 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise U.S. ARMY The U.S. Army’s mission is “[t]o deploy, fight and win our nation’s wars by pro- viding ready, prompt and sustained land dominance by Army forces across the full spectrum of conflict as part of the joint force.”24 Today, however, the Army cannot execute its land dominance mission.25 The U.S. Army is at an inflection point that is marked by more than a decade of steadily eroding budgets and diluted buying power, an appreciable degradation in readiness and training capacity, a near crisis in the recruiting and retention of critical personnel, and a bevy of aging weapons systems that no longer provide a qualitative edge over peer and near-peer com- petitors but will not be replaced in the near term. All of these challenges are set against the backdrop of a complex and dynamic global geopolitical environment that is exemplified and exacerbated by the triumph of our adversaries in Afghanistan after a 20-year struggle there as well as recent Russian outrages in the Ukraine and China’s bellicosity both on its borders and in surrounding disputed regions. In spite of these ever-increasing operational pulls, our Army is consistently being asked to do more with fewer resources. The status quo is further marked by a pervasive politically driven top-down focus on progressive social policies that emphasize matters like so-called diversity, equity, and inclusion and climate change, often to the detriment of the Army’s core warfighting mission. Needed Reforms l Rebuild the Army. The total Army budget has decreased by roughly 11 percent since 2018, perilously affecting the service’s readiness and ability to train and to procure new personnel and equipment. Declining budgets and decreased buying power have forced the Army to lower training standards and opportunities to train, propose reductions in end strength, slash military construction programs to historically low levels, and scale back essential modernization programs. 1. Increase the Army budget to remain the world’s preeminent land power. 2. Accelerate the development and procurement of the six current Army modernization priorities (long-range precision fires, the Next- Generation Combat Vehicle, Future Vertical Lift, the Army network, air and missile defense, and soldier lethality) to replace worn out and outdated combat systems and ensure ground combat dominance. 3. Increase funding to improve Army training and operational readiness. 4. Increase the Army force structure by 50,000 to handle two major regional contingencies simultaneously. — 109 — Department of Defense 5. Reform recruiting efforts. The Army missed its 2022 recruitment goal by 25 percent, or 15,000 soldiers. l Focus on deployability and sustained operations. The U.S. Army’s very lethal ground force capability is irrelevant if it cannot quickly deploy to locations for employment in decisive operations to secure our global security interests. Additionally, Army logisticians provide the ground transportation (of both personnel and equipment); fuel, food, and water; munitions (bombs and bullets); medical supplies and services; and veterinary services (food safety) that are critical to sustainment of the other services. 1. Immediately increase the production and stockpiling of critical munitions and repair parts. 2. Prioritize expeditionary logistics in all force design and operational planning to guarantee entry into a contested theater of war. 3. Increase the level of Joint Force training, synchronization, and coordination focused on logistics. 4. Prepare to deploy forces from degraded U.S.-based transportation infrastructure that is compromised by opposing forces. l Transform Army culture and training. The Army can no longer serve as the nation’s social testing ground. A rebuilt Army that is focused again on its core warfighting mission and empowered it with the tools, resources, and authorities it needs to accomplish that mission must be the next Administration’s highest defense priority. 1. Stop using the Army as a test bed for social evolution. Misusing the Army in this way detracts from its core purpose while doing little to reshape the American social structure. The Army no longer reflects national demographics to the degree that it did before 1974 when the draft was eliminated. 2. Demand accountability in senior leaders to reverse the decline in public support for military service. 3. Reestablish the experiential base for the planning, execution, and leadership of Army formations in large-scale operations. Currently,

Department of the Interior

Weak
Vector: 59%
Pages: 563-565AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 8686 concerns a military land withdrawal in Arizona, while the Project 2025 Interior section focuses on Alaska land entitlements, energy development, and state control of wildlife and waters. Both involve BLM-managed public lands and the balancing of multiple uses, but their geographic scope and policy goals differ substantially."

Key themes:public land managementBureau of Land Managementland withdrawal/reservationmultiple-use balancingfederal-state land relations

— 530 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Despite the passage of nearly 40 years since the end of the Reagan Adminis- tration, the federal government has yet to fulfill its statutory obligation to Alaska and Alaska Natives—specifically, each group has 5 million acres of entitlement remaining. Standing in the way are Public Land Orders (PLOs) issued by the BLM seizing that land for the agency. Those PLOs must be lifted to permit Alaska and Alaska Natives to select what was promised by Congress. For example, revocation of PLO 515057 will provide the state of Alaska 1.3 million acres of its remaining state entitlement. This revocation should be a top priority. BLM recommended this revocation in the 2006 report to Congress based on the Alaska Land Transfer Acceleration Act, and the Interior Secretary has authority to revoke based on the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act under section d(1).58 All other remaining BLM PLOs—all of which are more than 50 years old—should be revoked immediately. Alaska has untapped potential for increased oil production, which is important not just to the revitalization of the nation’s energy sector but is vital to the Alaskan economy. One-quarter of Alaska’s jobs are in the oil industry, and half of its overall economy depends on that industry. Without oil production, the Alaskan economy would be half its size. A new Administration must take the following actions immediately: l Approve the 2020 National Petroleum Reserve Alaska Integrated Activity Plan (NPRA-IAP) by resigning the Record of Decision. (Secretary Haaland’s order reverted to the 2013 IAP, the science for which is out of date, unlike the 2020 IAP.) l Reinstate the 2020 Arctic National Wildlife Refuge Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) by secretarial order and lift the suspension of the leases. l Approve the 2020 Willow EIS, the largest pending oil and gas projection in the United States in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, and expand approval from three to five drilling pads.59 Minerals. Alaska is not just blessed with an abundance of oil, it has vast untapped mineral potential. Therefore, the new Administration must immedi- ately approve the Ambler Road Project60 across BLM-managed lands, pursuant to the Secretary’s authority under the ANILCA and based on the Final Envi- ronmental Impact Statement on the project.61 This will permit construction of a new 211-mile roadway on the south side of the Brooks Range, west from the Dalton Highway to the south bank of the Ambler River, and open the area only to mining-related industrial uses, providing high-paying jobs in an area known for unemployment. — 531 — Department of the Interior Wildlife and Waters. Throughout Alaska’s history, the federal government has treated Alaska as less than a sovereign state. This is especially the case when it comes to two of Alaska’s most valued resources, its wildlife and its waters. Immediate action is required to end, at least in part, this injustice. A new Admin- istration should: l Revoke National Park Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service rules regarding predator control and bear baiting, which are matters for state regulation. Such revocation is permitted under the 2017 Congressional Review Act.62 l Recognize Alaska’s authority to manage fish and game on all federal lands in accordance with ANILCA as during the Reagan Administration, when each DOI agency in Alaska signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game ceding to the state the lead on fish and wildlife management matters.63 l Issue a secretarial order declaring navigable waters in Alaska to be owned by the state so that the lands beneath these waters belong to Alaska. This will force the BLM to prove that water is not navigable, since in the case of non-navigability, any submerged lands belong to the BLM. Currently, BLM requires Alaska to prove navigability at its own expense—including the BLM’s preposterous assertion that the mighty Yukon River is non-navigable. l Reinstate President Trump’s 2020 Alaska Roadless Rule64 for the Tongass National Forest in Alaska, which was replaced by a Biden Roadless Rule that continues a 2001 Clinton rule affecting 9.37 million of the forest’s 16.7 million acres.65 The Clinton rule affects an area where communities are in small islands with no road access. It has prevented multiple infrastructure projects, including roads, electric transmission lines, and water and sewer projects, and it forces residents to use a heavily subsidized ferry system. Logging has been shut down to the extent that New York harvests more timber than does all of Alaska. OTHER ACTIONS The 30 by 30 Plan.66 President Biden’s Executive Order 14008 (30 by 30 plan)67 requires that the federal government, which already owns one-third of the country: (1) remove vast amounts of private property from productive use; and (2) end congressionally mandated uses of all federal land. The end result will be “total federal control of an additional 440 million acres of land or oceans in the U.S. by 2030.”68

Department of the Interior

Weak
Vector: 58%
Pages: 563-565AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the bill and the Project 2025 section involve Department of the Interior management of public lands, but HR 8686 concerns a specific military land withdrawal in Arizona, while the policy focuses on Alaska wildlife/waters, opposing the 30 by 30 plan, and adjusting national monument designations—topics with little substantive overlap."

Key themes:public land managementDepartment of the Interiormultiple-use considerationsconservation/recreationfederal land withdrawal

— 531 — Department of the Interior Wildlife and Waters. Throughout Alaska’s history, the federal government has treated Alaska as less than a sovereign state. This is especially the case when it comes to two of Alaska’s most valued resources, its wildlife and its waters. Immediate action is required to end, at least in part, this injustice. A new Admin- istration should: l Revoke National Park Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service rules regarding predator control and bear baiting, which are matters for state regulation. Such revocation is permitted under the 2017 Congressional Review Act.62 l Recognize Alaska’s authority to manage fish and game on all federal lands in accordance with ANILCA as during the Reagan Administration, when each DOI agency in Alaska signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game ceding to the state the lead on fish and wildlife management matters.63 l Issue a secretarial order declaring navigable waters in Alaska to be owned by the state so that the lands beneath these waters belong to Alaska. This will force the BLM to prove that water is not navigable, since in the case of non-navigability, any submerged lands belong to the BLM. Currently, BLM requires Alaska to prove navigability at its own expense—including the BLM’s preposterous assertion that the mighty Yukon River is non-navigable. l Reinstate President Trump’s 2020 Alaska Roadless Rule64 for the Tongass National Forest in Alaska, which was replaced by a Biden Roadless Rule that continues a 2001 Clinton rule affecting 9.37 million of the forest’s 16.7 million acres.65 The Clinton rule affects an area where communities are in small islands with no road access. It has prevented multiple infrastructure projects, including roads, electric transmission lines, and water and sewer projects, and it forces residents to use a heavily subsidized ferry system. Logging has been shut down to the extent that New York harvests more timber than does all of Alaska. OTHER ACTIONS The 30 by 30 Plan.66 President Biden’s Executive Order 14008 (30 by 30 plan)67 requires that the federal government, which already owns one-third of the country: (1) remove vast amounts of private property from productive use; and (2) end congressionally mandated uses of all federal land. The end result will be “total federal control of an additional 440 million acres of land or oceans in the U.S. by 2030.”68 — 532 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Although the new President should vacate that order, DOI under a conservative President must take immediate action on the 30 by 30 plan by vacating a secre- tarial order issued by the Biden DOI69 that eliminated the Trump Administration’s requirement for the approval of state and local governments before federal acquisi- tion of private property with monies from the Land and Water Conservation Fund.70 National Monument Designations. As has every Democratic President before him beginning with Jimmy Carter, Joe Biden has abused his authority under the Antiquities Act of 1906. Like the outrageous, unilateral withdrawals from public use of multiple use federal land under the Carter, Clinton, and Obama Administrations, Biden’s first national monument was one in Colorado—adopted over the objections of scores of local groups and at least one American Indian tribe.71 In the days before the 2024 election, Biden will likely designate more western monuments. Although President Trump courageously ordered a review of national mon- ument designations, the result of that review was insufficient in that only two national monuments in one state (Utah) were adjusted.72 Monuments in Maine and Oregon, for example, should have been adjusted downward given the finding of Secretary Ryan Zinke’s review that they were improperly designated. The new Administration’s review will permit a fresh look at past monument decrees and new ones by President Biden. Furthermore, the new Administration must vigorously defend the downward adjustments it makes to permit a ruling on a President’s authority to reduce the size of national monuments by the U.S. Supreme Court. Finally, the new Administration must seek repeal of the Antiquities Act of 1906, which permitted emergency action by a President long before the statutory author- ity existed for the protection of special federal lands, such as those with wild and scenic rivers, endangered specials, or other unique places. Moreover, in recent years, Congress has designated as national monuments those areas deserving of such congressional action. Oregon and California Lands Act. One national monument worthy of down- ward adjustment is in Oregon, where its designation and subsequent expansion interfere with the federal obligation to residents to harvest timber on its BLM lands. A federal district court ruled in 2019 that land subject to the Oregon and California (O&C) Grant Lands Act of 193773 was set aside by Congress to be har- vested for the benefit of the people of Oregon. Specifically, those federal lands are to be “managed…for permanent forest production” and its timber “sold, cut, and removed in conformity with the princip[le] of sustained yield.”74 As the district court concluded,75 beginning in 1990, the federal government erected a trifecta of illegal barriers to the accomplishment of the congressional mandate, beginning with a response to the listing of the northern spotted owl,76 continuing a decade later with the designation of the Cascade–Siskiyou National Monument,77 and concluding in 2017 with an expansion of that monument.78 In

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

Full Policy Text

Related Bills