U.S.-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/2633
Last Updated: July 17, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Jackson, Ronny [R-TX-13]

ID: J000304

Follow the money

The bill

U.S.-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act of 2025

HR. 2633, 119th Congress — read as touching Defense Contractors.

The sponsor

Rep. Jackson, Ronny [R-TX-13]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$82,443 raised

20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of State" section, p. 220-222 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 34 - 13.

July 21, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The U.S.-South Africa Bilateral Relations Review Act of 2025 is a thinly veiled attempt to strong-arm South Africa into toeing the line on Israel-Palestine issues. The bill's sponsors, Mr. Jackson and Mr. James, are likely pandering to their pro-Israel constituents while pretending to care about human rights.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill requires a review of the bilateral relationship between the United States and South Africa, with a focus on identifying South African government officials and ANC leaders eligible for sanctions. This is a classic case of "we're going to punish you for not doing what we want." The bill also cites various instances of alleged anti-Israel bias by the South African government, which are likely cherry-picked to support the sponsors' agenda.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The obvious targets are the South African government and ANC leaders. However, this bill will also impact U.S.-South Africa relations, potentially harming trade, cultural exchange, and cooperation on global issues. The real stakeholders, of course, are the pro-Israel lobby groups and their congressional allies.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a cynical exercise in grandstanding, designed to appease a specific constituency rather than genuinely addressing human rights concerns. If passed, it will likely damage U.S.-South Africa relations, undermine regional stability, and perpetuate the cycle of tit-for-tat diplomacy. The real disease here is the corruption of politics by special interest groups, which this bill exemplifies.

Diagnosis: **Acute Case of Legislative Hypocrisy**

Treatment: **Administer a healthy dose of skepticism** to the sponsors' claims, followed by a thorough examination of their motivations and potential conflicts of interest. Next, **prescribe a strong antidote of critical thinking** to the voters who elect these charlatans.

Prognosis: **Guarded**, as this bill is likely to pass due to the influence of powerful lobby groups. However, with enough scrutiny and public pressure, it's possible to expose the underlying motivations and prevent this legislative abomination from becoming law.

Related Topics

Human Rights & Global DevelopmentForeign Aid & Diplomacy
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Jackson, Ronny [R-TX-13]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$82,443
14 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$0
Committees
$0
Individuals
$82,443

No PAC contributions found

No organization contributions found

No committee contributions found

1
TARPLEY, JAMES
2 transactions
$13,200
2
BURKHARDT, JOAN
2 transactions
$13,068
3
COUNTRYMAN, LOUEEN
3 transactions
$9,900
4
ARCHER, LYNNE
2 transactions
$6,870
5
DAMBROSIO, KATHLEEN
2 transactions
$6,600
6
HIMEBAUGH, PAUL
1 transaction
$6,270
7
BURZYNSKI, STANISLAW
1 transaction
$3,435
8
PERRIN, JOE
1 transaction
$3,300
9
KOVSCHAK, ANGELA
1 transaction
$3,300
10
BALLER, JIM
1 transaction
$3,300
11
HAYNES, JOHN T
1 transaction
$3,300
12
FLETCHER, J'MELLE
1 transaction
$3,300
13
GRAVES, WILLIAM E
1 transaction
$3,300
14
COHEN, MICHAEL
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 5 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. James, John [R-MI-10]

ID: J000307

Top Contributors

10

1
REPUBLICAN CLUB OF SAN FRANCISCO
COMSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$300
Oct 25, 2024
2
PECHANGA BAND OF INDIANS
OrganizationTEMECULA, CA
$3,000
Dec 31, 2023
3
LAS VEGAS PAIUTE TRIBE
OrganizationLAS VEGAS, NV
$1,000
Dec 23, 2024
4
MWR CONSULTING
OrganizationCLARKSVILLE, MD
$1,000
Jan 31, 2023
5
SABBYS LOUNGE
OrganizationSAINT CLAIR SHORES, MI
$250
Sep 11, 2024
6
FAUST, ANNE
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualNEWTOWN SQUARE, PA
$6,600
Apr 30, 2024
7
COURTNEY, KRISTEN ANN
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualOKEMOS, MI
$6,600
May 1, 2024
8
DANIELS, GEORGE G.
DANIELS MANUFACTURING CORP • EXECUTIVE
IndividualORLANDO, FL
$6,600
Jun 26, 2024
9
FAISON, JAY W.
CLEARPATH ACTION INC • PRESIDENT
IndividualCHARLOTTE, NC
$6,600
Jun 27, 2024
10
BRAY, STEVEN R.
POWER PLUS • PRESIDENT / CEO
IndividualNEWPORT BEACH, CA
$6,600
Jun 30, 2024

Rep. Nehls, Troy E. [R-TX-22]

ID: N000026

Top Contributors

10

1
ALABAMA-COUSHATTA TRIBE
COMLIVINGSTON, TX
$1,000
Sep 30, 2024
2
GONSOULIN, AL A
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualSUGAR LAND, TX
$6,600
Feb 26, 2024
3
FISHER, KENNETH
FISHER INVESTMENTS • EXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN
IndividualPLANO, TX
$6,600
May 23, 2024
4
FISHER, SHERRILYN
PLANO 6500 LLC • MEMBER
IndividualPLANO, TX
$6,600
May 23, 2024
5
MARCHELI, DANNY
CLEAR PAVE • PRESIDENT
IndividualRICHMOND, TX
$5,000
Sep 30, 2023
6
EMPARTIO, JOESPH
HERITAGE RANCH LLC • OWNER
IndividualRICHMOND, TX
$5,000
Sep 10, 2024
7
DOUDS, KENNETH
KBR BUILDERS • OWNER
IndividualSTAFFORD, TX
$5,000
Dec 3, 2024
8
GILL, EDWARD
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualHALLETTSVILLE, TX
$5,000
Dec 3, 2024
9
MARCHELI, DANIEL
CLEAR PAVE LLC • PRESIDENT
IndividualRICHMOND, TX
$5,000
Dec 3, 2024
10
DOUDS, ROBERT F JR.
SELF EMPLOYED • CONSTRUCTION
IndividualHOUSTON, TX
$5,000
Dec 3, 2024

Rep. Baird, James R. [R-IN-4]

ID: B001307

Top Contributors

10

1
TORCHBEARER PUBLIC AFFAIRS
OrganizationCARMEL, IN
$1,000
Apr 10, 2024
2
NICOSON, JON
NICOSON FARMING INC • FARMER
IndividualCORY, IN
$6,600
Aug 25, 2023
3
BAIRD, BEAU
SELF • RANCHER
IndividualGREENCASTLE, IN
$3,300
Sep 30, 2023
4
GOODRICH, CHARLES D
GAYLOR ELECTRIC, INC. • VICE PRESIDENT
IndividualNOBLESVILLE, IN
$3,300
Jun 30, 2024
5
CARRIER, JAMISON
RELENTLESS DEALER SERVICES • FOUNDER
IndividualGREENWOOD, IN
$3,300
Mar 11, 2024
6
WALTON, ROBERT S
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualBENTONVILLE, AR
$3,300
Mar 31, 2024
7
NICOSON, BARBRA
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualCORY, IN
$3,300
Jul 8, 2024
8
NICOSON, JON
NICOSON FARMING INC • FARMER
IndividualCORY, IN
$3,300
Jul 8, 2024
9
NESSEL, ARIEL
ENTREPRENEUR • ENTREPRENEUR
IndividualROSS, CA
$2,500
Apr 14, 2023
10
LANGLEY, THOMAS
LANGLEY CONSULTING • CONSULTANT
IndividualATHENS, AL
$2,000
Sep 29, 2023

Rep. Steube, W. Gregory [R-FL-17]

ID: S001214

Top Contributors

10

1
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Nov 21, 2023
2
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
BLACKSTONE • CEO AND CHAIRMAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Nov 20, 2023
3
HOLDERNESS, MICHAEL S. JR.
SELF EMPLOYED • HOTELIER
IndividualSARASOTA, FL
$3,300
Dec 27, 2023
4
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Nov 21, 2023
5
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
BLACKSTONE • CEO AND CHAIRMAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Nov 20, 2023
6
MCGILLICUDDY, DENNIS J.
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualSARASOTA, FL
$3,300
Mar 21, 2023
7
MCGILLICUDDY, GRACIELA
NONE • RETIRED
IndividualSARASOTA, FL
$3,300
Mar 21, 2023
8
TWOHIG, STEPHEN
SELF EMPLOYED • INVESTOR
IndividualOSPREY, FL
$3,300
Feb 13, 2023
9
BATMASIAN, JAMES
INVESTMENTS LIMITED • CO-OWNER
IndividualBOCA RATON, FL
$3,300
Mar 5, 2024
10
LIGORI, CHRISTOPHER
CHRISTOPHER LIGORI ASSOCIATES • ATTORNEY
IndividualTAMPA, FL
$3,300
Mar 31, 2024

Rep. Stefanik, Elise M. [R-NY-21]

ID: S001196

Top Contributors

10

1
MAGGIE'S LIST- EAMARKS
PACTAMPA, FL
$50
Oct 23, 2024
2
ONEIDA INDIAN NATION
OrganizationONEIDA, NY
$6,600
Mar 29, 2023
3
ONEIDA INDIAN NATION
OrganizationONEIDA, NY
$3,300
Mar 31, 2023
4
SAN MANUAL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLOS ANGELES, CA
$2,000
Dec 31, 2023
5
FISHER, CYNTHIA A. MS.
PATIENTRIGHTSADVOCATE.ORG • FOUNDER AND CHAIRMAN
IndividualPALM BEACH, FL
$6,600
Oct 10, 2023
6
BERK, MICHAEL
TA ASSOCIATES • INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT
IndividualWEST NEWTON, MA
$6,600
Dec 27, 2023
7
CUTLER, ROBERT
C3 • CEO
IndividualLEAWOOD, KS
$6,600
Dec 27, 2023
8
DAVIS, ANN L.
N/A • HOMEMAKER
IndividualATLANTA, GA
$6,600
Dec 30, 2023
9
KRAFT, DANIEL
THE KRAFT GROUP • INTERNATIONAL PRESIDENT
IndividualFOXBORO, MA
$6,600
Dec 31, 2023
10
FITZPATRICK, MARY
NONE • COMMUNITY VOLUNTEER
IndividualOSPREY, FL
$6,600
Sep 21, 2023

Donor Network - Rep. Jackson, Ronny [R-TX-13]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 47 nodes and 35 connections (46 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $138,293

Top Donors - Rep. Jackson, Ronny [R-TX-13]

Showing top 14 donors by contribution amount

14 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 4 harmed.

  • −Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.80

    Section 2 findings (5) mentions South Africa's close relations with the Russian Federation, which has been accused of perpetrating war crimes in Ukraine and undermines human rights, potentially affecting US defense contractors' interests

  • −Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.70

    Section 2 findings (6)(F) mentions the widespread presence of PRC state-linked firms like Huawei Technologies and ZTE in South Africa's media and technology sectors, which could impact US telecommunications companies

  • Section 2 findings (5)(A) mentions a United States-sanctioned Russian cargo ship docking and transferring arms at a South African naval base, potentially affecting US energy infrastructure interests

  • Section 2 findings (5)(C) mentions a United States-sanctioned Russian military cargo airplane landing at a South African Air Force Base, potentially affecting US aerospace companies

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Jackson, Ronny [R-TX-13])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of State

Strong
Vector: 64%
Pages: 220-222AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's focus on reassessing U.S. foreign policy toward nations with hostile or malign relationships, particularly by identifying officials supporting groups like Hamas and Russia, which reflects the policy's emphasis on prioritizing cooperative partners and reducing engagement with adversarial actors."

Key themes:foreign policy reassessmentcountering malign actorssanctions eligibility reviewstrategic partner prioritizationAfrican diplomatic engagement

— 187 — Department of State United States, but at least some of them would eventually try if allowed to consolidate their operations and plan such attacks. The immediate threat they pose lies in their abilities and willingness to strike American targets in their regions of operation or to harm U.S. interests in other ways. The U.S. should support capable African military and security operations through the State Department and other federal agencies responsible for granting foreign military education, training, and security assistance. l Build a coalition of the cooperative. Rather than thinning limited federal resources by spreading funds across all countries (including some that are unsupportive or even hostile to the United States,) the next Administration should focus on those countries with which the U.S. can expect a mutually beneficial relationship. After being designated focus countries by the State Department, such nations should receive a full suite of American engagement. That said, the next Administration should still maintain a baseline level of contact even with those countries with which it has less- than-fruitful relationships in order to encourage positive developments and to be in position to seize unexpected diplomatic opportunities as they arise. l Focus on core diplomatic activities, and stop promoting policies birthed in the American culture wars. African nations are particularly (and reasonably) non-receptive to the U.S. social policies such as abortion and pro-LGBT initiatives being imposed on them. The United States should focus on core security, economic, and human rights engagement with African partners and reject the promotion of divisive policies that hurt the deepening of shared goals between the U.S. and its African partners. Europe American foreign policy has long benefited from cooperation with the countries of Europe (generally, the EU), and any conservative Administration should build on this resource. Yet the transatlantic relationship is complex, with security, trade, and political dimensions. First, the Europe, Eurasia, and Russia region is made up of relatively wealthy and technologically advanced societies that should be expected to bear a fair share of both security needs and global security architecture: The United States cannot be expected to provide a defense umbrella for countries unwilling to contribute appropriately. At stake after 2024 will be examining the status of the Wales Pledge of 2 percent of gross domestic product toward defense by NATO members. The new Administration will also want to encourage nations to exceed that pledge. Second, transatlantic trade is a significant part of the global economy, and it is in the U.S. national interest to amplify it, especially because this means weaning

Department of State

Strong
Vector: 62%
Pages: 220-222AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's focus on reviewing bilateral relationships with African nations, identifying malign actors, and prioritizing core diplomatic and security engagement over divisive social policies, particularly in the context of South Africa's ties to Hamas and Russia."

Key themes:Africa policysanctions reviewmalign actor scrutinycore diplomatic engagementforeign policy realignment

— 187 — Department of State United States, but at least some of them would eventually try if allowed to consolidate their operations and plan such attacks. The immediate threat they pose lies in their abilities and willingness to strike American targets in their regions of operation or to harm U.S. interests in other ways. The U.S. should support capable African military and security operations through the State Department and other federal agencies responsible for granting foreign military education, training, and security assistance. l Build a coalition of the cooperative. Rather than thinning limited federal resources by spreading funds across all countries (including some that are unsupportive or even hostile to the United States,) the next Administration should focus on those countries with which the U.S. can expect a mutually beneficial relationship. After being designated focus countries by the State Department, such nations should receive a full suite of American engagement. That said, the next Administration should still maintain a baseline level of contact even with those countries with which it has less- than-fruitful relationships in order to encourage positive developments and to be in position to seize unexpected diplomatic opportunities as they arise. l Focus on core diplomatic activities, and stop promoting policies birthed in the American culture wars. African nations are particularly (and reasonably) non-receptive to the U.S. social policies such as abortion and pro-LGBT initiatives being imposed on them. The United States should focus on core security, economic, and human rights engagement with African partners and reject the promotion of divisive policies that hurt the deepening of shared goals between the U.S. and its African partners. Europe American foreign policy has long benefited from cooperation with the countries of Europe (generally, the EU), and any conservative Administration should build on this resource. Yet the transatlantic relationship is complex, with security, trade, and political dimensions. First, the Europe, Eurasia, and Russia region is made up of relatively wealthy and technologically advanced societies that should be expected to bear a fair share of both security needs and global security architecture: The United States cannot be expected to provide a defense umbrella for countries unwilling to contribute appropriately. At stake after 2024 will be examining the status of the Wales Pledge of 2 percent of gross domestic product toward defense by NATO members. The new Administration will also want to encourage nations to exceed that pledge. Second, transatlantic trade is a significant part of the global economy, and it is in the U.S. national interest to amplify it, especially because this means weaning — 188 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Europe of its dependence on China. However, there are also transatlantic trade tensions that disturb the U.S.–EU relationship and that have been evident across Administrations. The U.S. must undertake a comprehensive review of trade arrangements between the EU and the United States to assure that U.S. businesses are treated fairly and to build productive reciprocity. Outside the EU, trade with the post-Brexit U.K. needs urgent development before London slips back into the orbit of the EU. Third, in the wake of Brexit, EU foreign policy now takes place without U.K. input, which disadvantages the United States, given that the U.K. has historically been aligned with many U.S. positions. Therefore, U.S. diplomacy must be more attentive to inner-EU developments, while also developing new allies inside the EU—especially the Central European countries on the eastern flank of the EU, which are most vulnerable to Russian aggression. South and Central Asia Many key American interests and responsibilities are found in South and Central Asia. Specifically, continuing to advance the bilateral relationship with India to mutual benefit is a crucial objective for U.S. policy. India plays a crucial role in countering the Chinese threat and securing a free and open Indo–Pacific. It is a critical security guarantor for the key routes of air and sea travel linking East and West and an important emerging U.S. economic partner. For instance, the 2019 Department of Defense Indo–Pacific Strategy Report noted that the Indian Ocean area “is at the nexus of global trade and commerce, with nearly half of the world’s 90,000 commercial vessels and two thirds of global oil trade traveling through its sea lanes. The region boasts some of the fastest-growing economies on Earth.”14 Meanwhile, the threat of transnational terrorism remains acute. The humiliat- ing withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan after a 20-year military campaign has created new challenges. It has provided an opportunity to reset the deeply troubled U.S.–Pakistan relationship and reassess U.S. counterterrorism strategy in the region. The long-standing India–Pakistan rivalry and tensions regarding the disputed territory of Kashmir continue to pose risks to regional stability, especially because both countries are nuclear powers. The State Department’s role in strengthening the regional security and eco- nomic framework linking the U.S and India is crucial. In addition, the department has important functional responsibilities in dealing with a range of threats from nuclear proliferation to transnational proliferation. While American statecraft should also seek to improve bilateral relations throughout the region, U.S. policy must be clear-eyed and realistic about the perfidiousness of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and the military–political rule in Pakistan. There can be no expecta- tion of normal relations with either.

Department of State

Moderate
Vector: 62%
Pages: 217-219AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's focus on countering malign actors and strengthening alliances, particularly through scrutiny of South Africa's ties to Hamas and Russia, which reflects broader concerns about Iranian proxies and adversarial influence. However, it does not directly address core Africa-specific priorities in Project 2025 such as countering Chinese mineral dominance or promoting private-sector-led growth."

Key themes:countering malign actorsHamasRussia relationssanctions eligibilityMiddle East security

— 185 — Department of State l First, the U.S. must prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear technology and delivery capabilities and more broadly block Iranian ambitions. This means, inter alia, reinstituting and expanding Trump Administration sanctions; providing security assistance for regional partners; supporting, through public diplomacy and otherwise, freedom-seeking Iranian people in their revolt against the mullahs; and ensuring Israel has both the military means and the political support and flexibility to take what it deems to be appropriate measures to defend itself against the Iranian regime and its regional proxies Hamas, Hezbollah, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. l Second, the next Administration should build on the Trump Administration’s diplomatic successes by encouraging other Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, to enter the Abraham Accords. Related policies should include reversing, as appropriate, the Biden Administration’s degradation of the long-standing partnership with Saudi Arabia. The Palestinian Authority should be defunded. A further key priority is keeping Türkiye in the Western fold and a NATO ally. This includes a vigorous outreach to Türkiye to dissuade it from “hedging” toward Russia or China, which is likely to require a rethinking of U.S. support for YPG/PKK [People’s Protection Units/Kurdistan Worker’s Party] Kurdish forces, which Ankara believes are an existential threat to its security. For the foreseeable future— and much longer than one new Administration—Middle Eastern oil will play a key role in the world economy. Therefore, the U.S. must continue to support its allies and compete with its economic adversaries, including China. Relations with Saudi Arabia should be strengthened in a way that seriously curtails Chinese influence in Riyadh. l Third, it is in the U.S. national interest to build a Middle East security pact that includes Israel, Egypt, the Gulf states, and potentially India, as a second “Quad” arrangement. Protecting freedom of navigation in the Gulf and in the Red Sea/Suez Canal is vital to the world economy and therefore to U.S. prosperity as well. In North Africa, security cooperation with European allies, especially France, will be vital to limit growing Islamist threats and the incursion of Russian influence through positionings of the Wagner Group. l The U.S. cannot neglect a concern for human rights and minority rights, which must be balanced with strategic and security considerations. Special attention must be paid to challenges of religious freedom, especially the status of Middle Eastern Christians and other religious minorities, as well as the human trafficking endemic to the region. — 186 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Sub-Saharan Africa Africa’s importance to U.S. foreign policy and strategic interests is rising and will only continue to grow. Its explosive population growth, large reserves of industry-dependent minerals, proximity to key maritime shipping routes, and its collective diplomatic power ensure the continent’s global importance. Yet as Afri- ca’s strategic significance has grown, the U.S.’s relative influence there has declined. Terrorist activity on the continent has increased, while America’s competitors are making significant gains for their own national interests. The PRC’s companies dominate the African supply chain for certain minerals critical to emerging tech- nologies. African nations comprise major country-bloc elements that shield the PRC and Russia from international isolation for their human rights abuses—and African nations staunchly support PRC foreign policy goals on issues such as Hong Kong occupation, South China Seas dispute arbitration, and Taiwan. The new Administration can correct this strategic failing of existing policy by prioritizing Africa and by undertaking fundamental changes in how the United States works with African nations. At a bare minimum, the next Administration should: l Shift strategic focus from assistance to growth. Reorient the focus of U.S. overseas development assistance away from stand-alone humanitarian development aid and toward fostering free market systems in African countries by incentivizing and facilitating U.S. private sector engagement in these countries. Development aid alone does little to develop countries and can fuel corruption and violent conflict. While the United States should always be willing to offer emergency and humanitarian relief, both U.S. and African long-term interests are better served by a free market-based, private growth-focused strategy to Africa’s economic challenges. l Counter malign Chinese activity on the continent. This should include the development of powerful public diplomacy efforts to counter Chinese influence campaigns with commitments to freedom of speech and the free flow of information; the creation of a template “digital hygiene” program that African countries can access to sanitize and protect their sensitive communications networks from espionage by the PRC and other hostile actors; the recognition of Somaliland statehood as a hedge against the U.S.’s deteriorating position in Djibouti; and a focus on supporting American companies involved in industries important to U.S. national interests or that have a competitive advantage in Africa. l Counter the furtherance of terrorism. African country-based terrorist groups like Boko Haram may currently lack the capability to attack the

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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