Solidify Iran Sanctions Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/1800
Last Updated: July 12, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

ID: M001230

Follow the money

The bill

Solidify Iran Sanctions Act of 2025

HR. 1800, 119th Congress — read as touching Pipelines & Energy Infrastructure.

The sponsor

Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$66,582 raised

21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

95% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of State" section, p. 211-213 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs.

May 5, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce and reveal the underlying disease.

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The Solidify Iran Sanctions Act of 2025 is a desperate attempt to appear tough on Iran while serving the interests of Israel and the military-industrial complex. The bill's primary objective is to repeal the sunset provision of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996, effectively making the sanctions permanent.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends Section 13 of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 by removing the sunset clause, ensuring that the sanctions will remain in place indefinitely. This move is a thinly veiled attempt to appease Israel and its lobby groups, who have been whining about the perceived "weakness" of the Obama administration's nuclear deal.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects are involved:

* The Israeli government and its lobbyists, who will stop at nothing to ensure that Iran remains a pariah state. * The military-industrial complex, which stands to gain from increased tensions and arms sales in the region. * The Iranian people, who will continue to suffer under the weight of crippling sanctions.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a recipe for disaster. By making the sanctions permanent, Congress is essentially ensuring that:

* Diplomatic efforts with Iran will be doomed to fail. * The Iranian economy will continue to suffer, leading to widespread poverty and instability. * The region will become increasingly volatile, as Iran seeks to assert its influence through proxy forces.

But hey, who cares about the consequences when there are votes to be won and campaign donations to be collected?

**Diagnosis:** This bill is a classic case of "Sanctions-Induced Delusional Disorder" (SIDD). The symptoms include:

* A complete disregard for the well-being of the Iranian people. * A misguided belief that sanctions can achieve meaningful policy goals. * A willingness to sacrifice regional stability for short-term political gain.

Treatment: None. This disease is terminal, and the patient (Congress) is beyond redemption.

**Prognosis:** The Solidify Iran Sanctions Act of 2025 will pass with flying colors, thanks to the tireless efforts of Israel's lobbyists and the military-industrial complex. The Iranian people will suffer, the region will destabilize, and Congress will pat itself on the back for a job well done.

And that's a wrap, folks! Another day, another example of legislative malpractice in Washington D.C.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$66,582
19 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$66,082

No PAC contributions found

1
JSA REAL ESTATE PC
1 transaction
$500

No committee contributions found

1
CAMERON, RONALD
2 transactions
$6,600
2
HAAHEIM, CAROLYN
2 transactions
$6,600
3
ARCHER, LYNNE
1 transaction
$3,382
4
BANKE, BARBARA
1 transaction
$3,300
5
HINMAN, ROY
1 transaction
$3,300
6
LEACH, HOWARD
1 transaction
$3,300
7
MCMAHON, JOYCE
1 transaction
$3,300
8
PATE, LUTHER S IV
1 transaction
$3,300
9
RICKETTS, MARLENE M.
1 transaction
$3,300
10
ROCKEFELLER, LISENNE
1 transaction
$3,300
11
JINKS, ALBERT
1 transaction
$3,300
12
MACKENZIE, VICTORIA MILOU
1 transaction
$3,300
13
VOLPE, CHARLES
1 transaction
$3,300
14
BRYDEN, LEWIS
1 transaction
$3,300
15
BUTZ, LEE
1 transaction
$3,300
16
DAUB, L. ANDERSON
1 transaction
$3,300
17
DOWD, JOHN J
1 transaction
$3,300
18
DOWD, TINA
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 2 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Gillen, Laura [D-NY-4]

ID: G000602

Top Contributors

10

1
RALLYE MOTORS
OrganizationROSLYN, NY
$6,000
Jul 18, 2023
2
RALLYE MOTORS
OrganizationROSLYN, NY
$6,000
Jun 5, 2023
3
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$1,000
Aug 1, 2024
4
STONE, JAMES M
PLYMOUTH ROCK COMPANY, INC. • EXECUTIVE
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$5,000
Oct 16, 2024
5
FAIVUS, HARRY E
SELF-EMPLOYED • OPHTHALMOLOGIST
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$5,000
Nov 1, 2024
6
STONE, JAMES M
PLYMOUTH ROCK COMPANY, INC. • EXECUTIVE
IndividualBOSTON, MA
$5,000
Oct 16, 2024
7
HELFER, RICKI
N/A • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$4,000
Sep 10, 2024
8
ANDEER, KYLE
APPLE INC • ATTORNEY
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$3,300
Mar 27, 2024
9
BINDER, CHARLES
SELF-EMPLOYED • ATTORNEY
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Mar 21, 2024
10
BURNSTEIN, CLIFFORD
Q PRIME • MANAGER
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Mar 28, 2024

Rep. Sherman, Brad [D-CA-32]

ID: S000344

Top Contributors

10

1
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS NATIVE AMERICAN RIGHTS FUND
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$2,000
Oct 30, 2023
2
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
OrganizationCHOCTAW, MS
$2,000
Oct 5, 2023
3
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationSANTA YNEZ, CA
$2,000
Sep 30, 2024
4
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationSANTA YNEZ, CA
$1,300
Oct 21, 2024
5
BARONA BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLAKESIDE, CA
$1,000
Oct 28, 2024
6
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationSANTA YNEZ, CA
$700
Oct 21, 2024
7
AHMED, TAIMOOR
MARKHOR LOGISTICS • CEO
IndividualSACRAMENTO, CA
$3,300
Mar 30, 2023
8
GARHWAL, HARI
GARHWAL, CHAN & WILLIAMS • CPA
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$3,300
Mar 23, 2023
9
GARHWAL, HARI
GARHWAL, CHAN & WILLIAMS • CPA
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$3,300
Mar 23, 2023
10
GARHWAL, SANJEEV
WWMG • PHYSICIAN
IndividualSEATTLE, WA
$3,300
Mar 29, 2023

Donor Network - Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 54 nodes and 27 connections (46 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $85,582

Top Donors - Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7]

Showing top 19 donors by contribution amount

1 Org18 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 2 harmed.

  • Section 2 findings mention Iran acquiring conventional weapons systems and funneling support to terrorist proxies, which could lead to increased sanctions on Iranian oil and gas infrastructure, potentially affecting companies involved in energy infrastructure (Section 2).

  • +Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.70

    The bill's focus on enforcing sanctions against Iran's illicit weapons programs and conventional weapons development could lead to increased demand for defense systems and technologies from the US, potentially benefiting defense contractors (Section 3).

  • −Commercial Banksconfidence 0.60

    The enforcement of sanctions against Iran may lead to increased regulatory scrutiny and potential penalties for commercial banks involved in transactions with Iranian entities, which could increase their costs (Section 4).

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Mackenzie, Ryan [R-PA-7])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

  • from 3 contributions
    • PEDDIBHOTLA, SRIRAM$500
    • M. PEDDIBHOTLA, SRIRAM$500
    • THARP, KEVIN$250

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 8 contributions
    • MACKENZIE, CHARLES$7,590
    • ATKINS, CARTER P.$1,350
    • DOUGLASS, ALFERD$520

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of State

Very Strong
Vector: 58%
Pages: 211-213AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 1800 directly supports Project 2025's objective of confronting Iran by making sanctions permanent, aligning with the call to pressure the Iranian regime and deny it resources for illicit activities, consistent with the document's emphasis on Iran as a priority adversary requiring heightened attention."

Key themes:Iran sanctionscountering Iran's malign activitiespermanent pressure on adversariessupporting U.S. allies in the Middle Eastdenying resources to hostile regimes

— 179 — Department of State priority. That said, the next President must significantly reorient the U.S. govern- ment’s posture toward friends and adversaries alike—which will include much more honest assessments about who are friends and who are not. This reorien- tation could represent the most significant shift in core foreign policy principles and corresponding action since the end of the Cold War. Although not every country or issue area can be discussed in this chapter, below are examples of several areas in which a shift in U. S. foreign policy is not only import- ant, but arguably existential. The point is not to assert that everyone in the evolving conservative movement, or, in some cases, the growing bipartisan consensus, will agree with the details of this assessment. Rather, what is presented below demon- strates the urgency of these issues and provides a general roadmap for analysis. In a world on fire, a handful of nations require heightened attention. Some rep- resent existential threats to the safety and security of the American people; others threaten to hurt the U.S. economy; and others are wild cards, whose full threat scope is unknown but nevertheless unsettling. The five countries on which the next Administration should focus its attention and energy are China, Iran, Venezuela, Russia, and North Korea. The People’s Republic of China The designs of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Com- munist Party, which runs the PRC, are serious and dangerous.9 This tyrannical country with a population of more than 1 billion people has the vision, resources, and patience to achieve its objectives. Protecting the United States from the PRC’s designs requires an unambiguous offensive-defensive mix, including protecting American citizens and their interests, as well as U.S. allies, from PRC attacks and abuse that undermine U.S. competitiveness, security, and prosperity. The United States must have a cost-imposing strategic response to make Bei- jing’s aggression unaffordable, even as the American economy and U.S. power grow. This stance will require real, sustained, near-unprecedented U.S. growth; stronger partnerships; synchronized economic and security policies; and American energy independence—but above all, it will require a very honest perspective about the nature and designs of the PRC as more of a threat than a competitor.10 The next President should use the State Department and its array of resources to reassess and lead this effort, just as it did during the Cold War. The U.S. government needs an Article X for China,11 and it should be a presidential mandate. Along with the National Security Council, the State Department should draft an Article X, which should be a deeply philosophical look at the China challenge. Many foreign policy professionals and national leaders, both in government and the private sector, are reluctant to take decisive action regarding China. Many are vested in an unshakable faith in the international system and global norms. They are so enamored with them they cannot brook any criticisms or reforms, let alone — 180 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise acknowledge their potential for being abused by the PRC. Others refuse to acknowl- edge Beijing’s malign activities and often pass off criticism as conspiracy theories. For instance, many were quick to dismiss even the possibility that COVID-19 escaped from a Chinese research laboratory. The reality, however, is that the PRC’s actions often do sound like conspiracy theories—because they are conspiracies. In addition, some knowingly or not parrot the Communist line: Global leaders includ- ing President Joe Biden, have tried to normalize or even laud Chinese behavior. In some cases, these voices, like the global corporate giants BlackRock and Disney, directly benefit from doing business with Beijing. On the other hand, others acknowledge the dangers posed by the PRC, but believe in a moderating approach to accommodate its rise, a policy of “compete where we must, but cooperate where we can,” including on issues like climate change. This strategy has demonstrably failed. As with all global struggles with Communist and other tyrannical regimes, the issue should never be with the Chinese people but with the Communist dictator- ship that oppresses them and threatens the well-being of nations across the globe.12 That said, the nature of Chinese power today is the product of history, ideology, and the institutions that have governed China during the course of five millennia, inherited by the present Chinese leaders from the preceding generations of the CCP.13 In short, the PRC challenge is rooted in China’s strategic culture and not just the Marxism–Leninism of the CCP, meaning that internal culture and civil society will never deliver a more normative nation. The PRC’s aggressive behavior can only be curbed through external pressure. The Islamic Republic of Iran The ongoing protests in the Islamic Republic of Iran (Iran), which are widely viewed as a new revolution, have shown that the Islamic regime, which has been in power since 1979 when Ayatollah Khomeini became the leader, is at its weakest state in its history and is at odds not only with its own people but also its regional neighbors. Iran is home to a proud and ancient culture, yet its people have strug- gled to achieve democracy and have had to endure a hostile theocratic regime that vehemently opposes freedom. The time may be right to press harder on the Iranian theocracy, support the Iranian people, and take other steps to draw Iran into the community of free and modern nations. Unfortunately, the Obama and Biden Administrations have propped up the brutal Islamist theocracy that has hurt the Iranian people and threatened nuclear war. For example, the Obama Administration’s 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, commonly referred to as the Iran nuclear deal, gave the Islamic regime a crucial monetary lifeline after the Green Movement protests in 2009, which, while ultimately unsuccessful, did succeed in weakening the regime and showing the world that younger Iranians want freedom.

Department of State

Very Strong
Vector: 58%
Pages: 217-219AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 1800 directly implements Project 2025's Department of State objective to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear technology and delivery capabilities by reinstituting and expanding Trump-era sanctions, making them permanent to counter Iranian ambitions and support regional partners."

Key themes:Iran sanctionsnuclear nonproliferationregional securityTrump-era policy reinstatementcountering Iranian ambitions

— 184 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l A hemisphere-centered approach to industry and energy. The next Administration has a golden opportunity to make key economic changes that will not only provide tremendous economic opportunities for Americans but will also serve as an economic boon to the entire Western Hemisphere. First, the United States must do everything possible, with both resources and messaging, to shift global manufacturing and industry from more distant points around the globe (especially from the increasingly hostile and human rights-abusing PRC) to Central and South American countries. “Re-hemisphering” manufacturing and industry closer to home will not only eliminate some of the more recent supply-chain issues that damaged the U.S. economy but will also represent a significant economic improvement for parts of the Americas in need of growth and stabilization. Similarly, the United States must work with Mexico, Canada, and other countries to develop a hemisphere-focused energy policy that will reduce reliance on distant and manipulable sources of fossil fuels, restore the free flow of energy among the hemisphere’s largest producers, and work together to increase energy production, including for nations that are looking for dramatic economic expansion. l A “local” approach to security threats. Western Hemisphere nations, including those in the Caribbean, arguably have stronger cultural and historical ties to the United States than most other countries and regions in the world. Yet Central and South America are moving rapidly into the sphere of anti-American, external state actors, including the PRC, Iran, and Russia. Specific countries in the Americas, such as Venezuela, Colombia, Guyana, and Ecuador, are either increasingly regional security threats in their own rights or are vulnerable to hostile extra-continental powers. The U.S. has an opportunity to lead these democratic neighbors to fight against the external pressure of threats from abroad and address local regional security concerns. This leadership and collaboration must span all tools at the disposal of U.S. allies and partners, including security-focused cooperation. Middle East and North Africa The next Administration must re-engage with Middle Eastern and North Afri- can nations and not abandon the region. Without U.S. leadership, the region may tumble further into chaos or fall prey to American adversaries. This recommen- dation requires a multi-dimensional strategy. — 185 — Department of State l First, the U.S. must prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear technology and delivery capabilities and more broadly block Iranian ambitions. This means, inter alia, reinstituting and expanding Trump Administration sanctions; providing security assistance for regional partners; supporting, through public diplomacy and otherwise, freedom-seeking Iranian people in their revolt against the mullahs; and ensuring Israel has both the military means and the political support and flexibility to take what it deems to be appropriate measures to defend itself against the Iranian regime and its regional proxies Hamas, Hezbollah, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. l Second, the next Administration should build on the Trump Administration’s diplomatic successes by encouraging other Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, to enter the Abraham Accords. Related policies should include reversing, as appropriate, the Biden Administration’s degradation of the long-standing partnership with Saudi Arabia. The Palestinian Authority should be defunded. A further key priority is keeping Türkiye in the Western fold and a NATO ally. This includes a vigorous outreach to Türkiye to dissuade it from “hedging” toward Russia or China, which is likely to require a rethinking of U.S. support for YPG/PKK [People’s Protection Units/Kurdistan Worker’s Party] Kurdish forces, which Ankara believes are an existential threat to its security. For the foreseeable future— and much longer than one new Administration—Middle Eastern oil will play a key role in the world economy. Therefore, the U.S. must continue to support its allies and compete with its economic adversaries, including China. Relations with Saudi Arabia should be strengthened in a way that seriously curtails Chinese influence in Riyadh. l Third, it is in the U.S. national interest to build a Middle East security pact that includes Israel, Egypt, the Gulf states, and potentially India, as a second “Quad” arrangement. Protecting freedom of navigation in the Gulf and in the Red Sea/Suez Canal is vital to the world economy and therefore to U.S. prosperity as well. In North Africa, security cooperation with European allies, especially France, will be vital to limit growing Islamist threats and the incursion of Russian influence through positionings of the Wagner Group. l The U.S. cannot neglect a concern for human rights and minority rights, which must be balanced with strategic and security considerations. Special attention must be paid to challenges of religious freedom, especially the status of Middle Eastern Christians and other religious minorities, as well as the human trafficking endemic to the region.

Department of State

Strong
Vector: 63%
Pages: 217-219AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"HR 1800 directly supports Project 2025's objective to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear capabilities and block its broader ambitions by making sanctions permanent, which aligns with reinstituting and expanding Trump-era sanctions on Iran's illicit weapons programs and support for terrorism."

Key themes:Iran sanctionsnuclear nonproliferationcounterterrorismregional securityTrump-era policy reinstatement

— 185 — Department of State l First, the U.S. must prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear technology and delivery capabilities and more broadly block Iranian ambitions. This means, inter alia, reinstituting and expanding Trump Administration sanctions; providing security assistance for regional partners; supporting, through public diplomacy and otherwise, freedom-seeking Iranian people in their revolt against the mullahs; and ensuring Israel has both the military means and the political support and flexibility to take what it deems to be appropriate measures to defend itself against the Iranian regime and its regional proxies Hamas, Hezbollah, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. l Second, the next Administration should build on the Trump Administration’s diplomatic successes by encouraging other Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, to enter the Abraham Accords. Related policies should include reversing, as appropriate, the Biden Administration’s degradation of the long-standing partnership with Saudi Arabia. The Palestinian Authority should be defunded. A further key priority is keeping Türkiye in the Western fold and a NATO ally. This includes a vigorous outreach to Türkiye to dissuade it from “hedging” toward Russia or China, which is likely to require a rethinking of U.S. support for YPG/PKK [People’s Protection Units/Kurdistan Worker’s Party] Kurdish forces, which Ankara believes are an existential threat to its security. For the foreseeable future— and much longer than one new Administration—Middle Eastern oil will play a key role in the world economy. Therefore, the U.S. must continue to support its allies and compete with its economic adversaries, including China. Relations with Saudi Arabia should be strengthened in a way that seriously curtails Chinese influence in Riyadh. l Third, it is in the U.S. national interest to build a Middle East security pact that includes Israel, Egypt, the Gulf states, and potentially India, as a second “Quad” arrangement. Protecting freedom of navigation in the Gulf and in the Red Sea/Suez Canal is vital to the world economy and therefore to U.S. prosperity as well. In North Africa, security cooperation with European allies, especially France, will be vital to limit growing Islamist threats and the incursion of Russian influence through positionings of the Wagner Group. l The U.S. cannot neglect a concern for human rights and minority rights, which must be balanced with strategic and security considerations. Special attention must be paid to challenges of religious freedom, especially the status of Middle Eastern Christians and other religious minorities, as well as the human trafficking endemic to the region. — 186 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Sub-Saharan Africa Africa’s importance to U.S. foreign policy and strategic interests is rising and will only continue to grow. Its explosive population growth, large reserves of industry-dependent minerals, proximity to key maritime shipping routes, and its collective diplomatic power ensure the continent’s global importance. Yet as Afri- ca’s strategic significance has grown, the U.S.’s relative influence there has declined. Terrorist activity on the continent has increased, while America’s competitors are making significant gains for their own national interests. The PRC’s companies dominate the African supply chain for certain minerals critical to emerging tech- nologies. African nations comprise major country-bloc elements that shield the PRC and Russia from international isolation for their human rights abuses—and African nations staunchly support PRC foreign policy goals on issues such as Hong Kong occupation, South China Seas dispute arbitration, and Taiwan. The new Administration can correct this strategic failing of existing policy by prioritizing Africa and by undertaking fundamental changes in how the United States works with African nations. At a bare minimum, the next Administration should: l Shift strategic focus from assistance to growth. Reorient the focus of U.S. overseas development assistance away from stand-alone humanitarian development aid and toward fostering free market systems in African countries by incentivizing and facilitating U.S. private sector engagement in these countries. Development aid alone does little to develop countries and can fuel corruption and violent conflict. While the United States should always be willing to offer emergency and humanitarian relief, both U.S. and African long-term interests are better served by a free market-based, private growth-focused strategy to Africa’s economic challenges. l Counter malign Chinese activity on the continent. This should include the development of powerful public diplomacy efforts to counter Chinese influence campaigns with commitments to freedom of speech and the free flow of information; the creation of a template “digital hygiene” program that African countries can access to sanitize and protect their sensitive communications networks from espionage by the PRC and other hostile actors; the recognition of Somaliland statehood as a hedge against the U.S.’s deteriorating position in Djibouti; and a focus on supporting American companies involved in industries important to U.S. national interests or that have a competitive advantage in Africa. l Counter the furtherance of terrorism. African country-based terrorist groups like Boko Haram may currently lack the capability to attack the

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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