Crossett Experimental Forest Act of 2026

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Bill ID: 119/hr/10136
Last Updated: September 7, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Westerman, Bruce [R-AR-4]

ID: W000821

Follow the money

The bill

Crossett Experimental Forest Act of 2026

HR. 10136, 119th Congress — read as touching Agribusiness.

The sponsor

Rep. Westerman, Bruce [R-AR-4]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$105,700 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

55% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of the Interior" section, p. 566-568 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

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Latest Action

Subcommittee Hearings Held

September 1, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

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🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

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Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

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Became Law

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2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**HR 10136: Crossett Experimental Forest Act of 2026 – A Cynical Diagnosis**

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The stated goal of HR 10136 is to transfer ownership of the Crossett Experimental Forest—a USDA Forest Service research site in Arkansas—from the federal government to the State of Arkansas. Ostensibly, this is about “decentralizing land management” and honoring local control. In reality, it’s a classic case of federal offloading: Uncle Sam tired of paying for upkeep on a niche research forest and decided to pawn it off on a state with a budget that treats infrastructure maintenance like optional DLC. The bill frames this as a win-win—preserving research missions while saving federal dollars—but the fine print reveals it’s more about avoiding liability than advancing science.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill mandates that if Arkansas submits a written request within 180 days of enactment, the Secretary of Agriculture must convey the forest via quitclaim deed—no payment, no strings attached… except for a laundry list of conditions. The state must designate it as the “Crossett State Forest,” manage it under state forest laws, and use it for research, education, and demonstration in coordination with two University of Arkansas campuses. Crucially, the Secretary retains a reversionary interest: if Arkansas fails to uphold these terms (e.g., lets the forest degrade or diverts it to logging or development), the feds can reclaim it after a 180-day cure period. The bill also explicitly exempts the transfer from NEPA review and historic property protections under Section 306108 of Title 54—conveniently sidestepping environmental and cultural scrutiny. Translation: “We’re not checking if this is a good idea; we’re just handing it over and hoping for the best.”

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** - **Winner (maybe):** Arkansas state government, which gets a 1,700-acre forest at zero cost—assuming it doesn’t blow the maintenance budget. - **Losers:** U.S. taxpayers, who may end up paying twice if the state mismanages the land and the feds have to step in (or worse, if reversion triggers costly reclamation). - **Researchers & Academics:** The University of Arkansas at Monticello and the Division of Agriculture gain continued access—but only if the state doesn’t prioritize timber revenue over science. - **Logging & Development Interests:** Lurking in the weeds, waiting for a moment of state fiscal weakness to whisper, “Hey, what if we just… thin it a little?” - **Environmental Groups:** Left holding the bag if the state fails to uphold conservation duties, with no federal oversight to fall back on.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a legislative placebo: it looks like action but treats the symptom (federal fatigue) while ignoring the disease (chronic underfunding of public land stewardship). If Arkansas manages the forest responsibly, it could become a model for state-led research conservation. But given Arkansas’s historical ambivalence toward environmental regulation—and the timber industry’s outsized influence—there’s a non-trivial risk the forest becomes a glorified tree farm or, worse, a casualty of neglect. The reversion clause is a fig leaf: by the time the Secretary notices failure, the damage may be irreversible. And by exempting NEPA and historic review, Congress has essentially said, “Don’t bother us with facts—we’ve already made up our minds.” In short, this isn’t forest policy—it’s fiscal cowardice with a veneer of cooperation. The real experiment here isn’t in the woods; it’s testing how long it takes for good intentions to rot when left in the hands of politicians who’d rather sell the fence posts than fix the fence.

Related Topics

Wildlife & Endangered SpeciesResearch & Innovation PolicyPublic Lands & Natural Resources
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💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Westerman, Bruce [R-AR-4]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$105,700
25 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$105,700
Committees
$0
Individuals
$0

No PAC contributions found

1
PUEBLO OF LAGUNA
1 transaction
$8,300
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CHICKASAW NATION
2 transactions
$6,600
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MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
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$6,600
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PECHANGA BAND OF LUISENO INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
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POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
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SUQUAMISH INDIAN TRIBE
2 transactions
$6,600
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ONEIDA INDIAN NATION
1 transaction
$5,000
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CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
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CONFEDERATED TRIBES OF SILETZ INDIANS
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$3,300
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SHINGLE SPRINGS BAND MIWOK INDIANS
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SNOQUALMIE TRIBE
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CONFEDERATED TRIBES OF THE UMATILLA INDIAN RESERVATION
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SAN MANUEL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
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CATAWBA INDIAN NATION
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NISQUALLY INDIAN TRIBE
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AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY
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MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
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ONEIDA NATION
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AGUA CALIENTE BAND OF CAHUILLA INDIANS
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SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
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TULE RIVER TRIBAL COUNCIL
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MUSCOGEE CREEK NATION
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PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
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SANTA ROSA RANCHERIA
1 transaction
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SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$3,300

No committee contributions found

No individual contributions found

Donor Network - Rep. Westerman, Bruce [R-AR-4]

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Showing 81 nodes and 89 connections

Total contributions: $89

Top Donors - Rep. Westerman, Bruce [R-AR-4]

Showing top 25 donors by contribution amount

25 Orgs

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped.

  • +Agribusinessconfidence 0.80

    Section 2(f)(2)(B) mentions coordination with the University of Arkansas Division of Agriculture, which could benefit agribusiness through research and education access to the Forest.

  • +Crop Producersconfidence 0.60

    Section 2(f)(2)(A) mentions forest research, education, and demonstration purposes, which could include research on crop production and forestry practices, benefiting crop producers.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Westerman, Bruce [R-AR-4])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

  • from 3 contributions
    • YORK, ANDREW$1,000
    • HAY, GREG L.$250

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of the Interior

Weak
Vector: 63%
Pages: 566-568AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on transferring a federal experimental forest to state management for research and education, while the Project 2025 policy emphasizes timber production, NEPA reform, and ESA changes under the Department of the Interior—particularly for O&C lands in Oregon. There is minimal thematic overlap, as the bill does not address timber harvesting, wildfire mitigation, NEPA streamlining, or species delisting."

Key themes:federal land transferstate managementNEPA exemption

— 533 — Department of the Interior order to fulfill the yet-unaltered congressional mandate contained in federal law, to provide for jobs and well-paying employment opportunities in rural Oregon, and to ameliorate the effects of wildfires, the new Administration must immedi- ately fulfill its responsibilities and manage the O&C lands for “permanent forest production” to ensure that the timber is “sold, cut, and removed.”79 NEPA Reforms. Congress never intended for the National Environmental Policy Act to grow into the tree-killing, project-dooming, decade-spanning mon- strosity that it has become. Instead, in 1970, Congress intended a short, succinct, timely presentation of information regarding major federal action that signifi- cantly affects the quality of the human environment so that decisionmakers can make informed decisions to benefit the American people. The Trump Administration adopted common-sense NEPA reform that must be restored immediately. Meanwhile, DOI should reinstate the secretarial orders adopted by the Trump Administration, such as placing time and page limits on NEPA documents and setting forth—on page one—the costs of the document itself. Meanwhile, the new Administration should call upon Congress to reform NEPA to meet its original goal. Consideration should be given, for example, to eliminat- ing judicial review of the adequacy of NEPA documents or the rectitude of NEPA decisions. This would allow Congress to engage in effective oversight of federal agencies when prudent. Settlement Transparency. Interior Secretary David Bernhardt required DOI to prominently display and provide open access to any and all litigation settlements into which DOI or its agencies entered, and any attorneys’ fees paid for ending the litigation.80 Biden’s DOI, aware that the settlements into which it planned to enter and the attorneys’ fees it was likely to pay would cause controversy, ended this policy.81 A new Administration should reinstate it. The Endangered Species Act. The Endangered Species Act was intended to bring endangered and threatened species back from the brink of extinction and, when appropriate, to restore real habitat critical to the survival of the spe- cies. The act’s success rate, however, is dismal. Its greatest deficiency, according to one renowned expert, is “conflict of interest.”82 Specifically, the work of the Fish and Wildlife Service is the product of “species cartels” afflicted with group- think, confirmation bias, and a common desire to preserve the prestige, power, and appropriations of the agency that pays or employs them. For example, in one highly influential sage-grouse monograph, 41 percent of the authors were federal workers. The editor, a federal bureaucrat, had authored one-third of the paper.83 Meaningful reform of the Endangered Species Act requires that Congress take action to restore its original purpose and end its use to seize private prop- erty, prevent economic development, and interfere with the rights of states over their wildlife populations. In the meantime, a new Administration should take the following immediate action: — 534 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Delist the grizzly bear in the Greater Yellowstone and Northern Continental Divide Ecosystems and defend to the Supreme Court of the United States the agency’s fact-based decision to do so.84 l Delist the gray wolf in the lower 48 states in light of its full recovery under the ESA.85 l Cede to western states jurisdiction over the greater sage-grouse, recognizing the on-the-ground expertise of states and preventing use of the sage-grouse to interfere with public access to public land and economic activity. l Direct the Fish and Wildlife Service to end its abuse of Section 10(j) of the ESA by re-introducing so-called “experiment species” populations into areas that no longer qualify as habitat and lie outside the historic ranges of those species, which brings with it the full weight of the ESA in areas previously without federal government oversight.86 l Direct the Fish and Wildlife Service to design and implement an impartial conservation triage program by prioritizing the allocation of limited resources to maximize conservation returns, relative to the conservation goals, under a constrained budget.87 l Direct the Fish and Wildlife Service to make all data used in ESA decisions available to the public, with limited or no exceptions, to fulfill the public’s right to know and to prevent the agency’s previous opaque decision-making. l Abolish the Biological Resources Division of the U.S. Geological Survey and obtain necessary scientific research about species of concern from universities via competitive requests for proposals. l Direct the Fish and Wildlife Service to: (1) design and implement an Endangered Species Act program that ensures independent decision- making by ending reliance on so-called species specialists who have obvious self-interest, ideological bias, and land-use agendas; and (2) ensure conformity with the Information Quality Act.88 Office of Surface Mining. The Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement (OSM) was created by the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977 (SMCRA)89 to administer programs for controlling the impacts of surface coal mining operations. Although the coal industry is contracting, coal constitutes

Department of the Interior

Weak
Vector: 62%
Pages: 563-565AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on transferring a specific experimental forest from federal to state control for research and education, while the Project 2025 policy emphasizes Alaska-specific wildlife, water rights, roadless rules, and opposition to federal land conservation initiatives like 30 by 30 and national monument designations. There is minimal thematic overlap beyond a general preference for state management of federal lands."

Key themes:state land managementfederal land transfer

— 531 — Department of the Interior Wildlife and Waters. Throughout Alaska’s history, the federal government has treated Alaska as less than a sovereign state. This is especially the case when it comes to two of Alaska’s most valued resources, its wildlife and its waters. Immediate action is required to end, at least in part, this injustice. A new Admin- istration should: l Revoke National Park Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service rules regarding predator control and bear baiting, which are matters for state regulation. Such revocation is permitted under the 2017 Congressional Review Act.62 l Recognize Alaska’s authority to manage fish and game on all federal lands in accordance with ANILCA as during the Reagan Administration, when each DOI agency in Alaska signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game ceding to the state the lead on fish and wildlife management matters.63 l Issue a secretarial order declaring navigable waters in Alaska to be owned by the state so that the lands beneath these waters belong to Alaska. This will force the BLM to prove that water is not navigable, since in the case of non-navigability, any submerged lands belong to the BLM. Currently, BLM requires Alaska to prove navigability at its own expense—including the BLM’s preposterous assertion that the mighty Yukon River is non-navigable. l Reinstate President Trump’s 2020 Alaska Roadless Rule64 for the Tongass National Forest in Alaska, which was replaced by a Biden Roadless Rule that continues a 2001 Clinton rule affecting 9.37 million of the forest’s 16.7 million acres.65 The Clinton rule affects an area where communities are in small islands with no road access. It has prevented multiple infrastructure projects, including roads, electric transmission lines, and water and sewer projects, and it forces residents to use a heavily subsidized ferry system. Logging has been shut down to the extent that New York harvests more timber than does all of Alaska. OTHER ACTIONS The 30 by 30 Plan.66 President Biden’s Executive Order 14008 (30 by 30 plan)67 requires that the federal government, which already owns one-third of the country: (1) remove vast amounts of private property from productive use; and (2) end congressionally mandated uses of all federal land. The end result will be “total federal control of an additional 440 million acres of land or oceans in the U.S. by 2030.”68 — 532 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Although the new President should vacate that order, DOI under a conservative President must take immediate action on the 30 by 30 plan by vacating a secre- tarial order issued by the Biden DOI69 that eliminated the Trump Administration’s requirement for the approval of state and local governments before federal acquisi- tion of private property with monies from the Land and Water Conservation Fund.70 National Monument Designations. As has every Democratic President before him beginning with Jimmy Carter, Joe Biden has abused his authority under the Antiquities Act of 1906. Like the outrageous, unilateral withdrawals from public use of multiple use federal land under the Carter, Clinton, and Obama Administrations, Biden’s first national monument was one in Colorado—adopted over the objections of scores of local groups and at least one American Indian tribe.71 In the days before the 2024 election, Biden will likely designate more western monuments. Although President Trump courageously ordered a review of national mon- ument designations, the result of that review was insufficient in that only two national monuments in one state (Utah) were adjusted.72 Monuments in Maine and Oregon, for example, should have been adjusted downward given the finding of Secretary Ryan Zinke’s review that they were improperly designated. The new Administration’s review will permit a fresh look at past monument decrees and new ones by President Biden. Furthermore, the new Administration must vigorously defend the downward adjustments it makes to permit a ruling on a President’s authority to reduce the size of national monuments by the U.S. Supreme Court. Finally, the new Administration must seek repeal of the Antiquities Act of 1906, which permitted emergency action by a President long before the statutory author- ity existed for the protection of special federal lands, such as those with wild and scenic rivers, endangered specials, or other unique places. Moreover, in recent years, Congress has designated as national monuments those areas deserving of such congressional action. Oregon and California Lands Act. One national monument worthy of down- ward adjustment is in Oregon, where its designation and subsequent expansion interfere with the federal obligation to residents to harvest timber on its BLM lands. A federal district court ruled in 2019 that land subject to the Oregon and California (O&C) Grant Lands Act of 193773 was set aside by Congress to be har- vested for the benefit of the people of Oregon. Specifically, those federal lands are to be “managed…for permanent forest production” and its timber “sold, cut, and removed in conformity with the princip[le] of sustained yield.”74 As the district court concluded,75 beginning in 1990, the federal government erected a trifecta of illegal barriers to the accomplishment of the congressional mandate, beginning with a response to the listing of the northern spotted owl,76 continuing a decade later with the designation of the Cascade–Siskiyou National Monument,77 and concluding in 2017 with an expansion of that monument.78 In

Department of the Interior

Weak
Vector: 62%
Pages: 563-565AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill transfers federal land to state control for research purposes, which aligns with Project 2025's broader theme of federal land divestment to states, but it focuses on forestry research in Arkansas rather than Alaska-specific energy, mineral, or wildlife policies outlined in the Project 2025 Interior section."

Key themes:federal land transferstate managementland divestment

— 530 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Despite the passage of nearly 40 years since the end of the Reagan Adminis- tration, the federal government has yet to fulfill its statutory obligation to Alaska and Alaska Natives—specifically, each group has 5 million acres of entitlement remaining. Standing in the way are Public Land Orders (PLOs) issued by the BLM seizing that land for the agency. Those PLOs must be lifted to permit Alaska and Alaska Natives to select what was promised by Congress. For example, revocation of PLO 515057 will provide the state of Alaska 1.3 million acres of its remaining state entitlement. This revocation should be a top priority. BLM recommended this revocation in the 2006 report to Congress based on the Alaska Land Transfer Acceleration Act, and the Interior Secretary has authority to revoke based on the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act under section d(1).58 All other remaining BLM PLOs—all of which are more than 50 years old—should be revoked immediately. Alaska has untapped potential for increased oil production, which is important not just to the revitalization of the nation’s energy sector but is vital to the Alaskan economy. One-quarter of Alaska’s jobs are in the oil industry, and half of its overall economy depends on that industry. Without oil production, the Alaskan economy would be half its size. A new Administration must take the following actions immediately: l Approve the 2020 National Petroleum Reserve Alaska Integrated Activity Plan (NPRA-IAP) by resigning the Record of Decision. (Secretary Haaland’s order reverted to the 2013 IAP, the science for which is out of date, unlike the 2020 IAP.) l Reinstate the 2020 Arctic National Wildlife Refuge Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) by secretarial order and lift the suspension of the leases. l Approve the 2020 Willow EIS, the largest pending oil and gas projection in the United States in the National Petroleum Reserve-Alaska, and expand approval from three to five drilling pads.59 Minerals. Alaska is not just blessed with an abundance of oil, it has vast untapped mineral potential. Therefore, the new Administration must immedi- ately approve the Ambler Road Project60 across BLM-managed lands, pursuant to the Secretary’s authority under the ANILCA and based on the Final Envi- ronmental Impact Statement on the project.61 This will permit construction of a new 211-mile roadway on the south side of the Brooks Range, west from the Dalton Highway to the south bank of the Ambler River, and open the area only to mining-related industrial uses, providing high-paying jobs in an area known for unemployment. — 531 — Department of the Interior Wildlife and Waters. Throughout Alaska’s history, the federal government has treated Alaska as less than a sovereign state. This is especially the case when it comes to two of Alaska’s most valued resources, its wildlife and its waters. Immediate action is required to end, at least in part, this injustice. A new Admin- istration should: l Revoke National Park Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service rules regarding predator control and bear baiting, which are matters for state regulation. Such revocation is permitted under the 2017 Congressional Review Act.62 l Recognize Alaska’s authority to manage fish and game on all federal lands in accordance with ANILCA as during the Reagan Administration, when each DOI agency in Alaska signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Alaska Department of Fish and Game ceding to the state the lead on fish and wildlife management matters.63 l Issue a secretarial order declaring navigable waters in Alaska to be owned by the state so that the lands beneath these waters belong to Alaska. This will force the BLM to prove that water is not navigable, since in the case of non-navigability, any submerged lands belong to the BLM. Currently, BLM requires Alaska to prove navigability at its own expense—including the BLM’s preposterous assertion that the mighty Yukon River is non-navigable. l Reinstate President Trump’s 2020 Alaska Roadless Rule64 for the Tongass National Forest in Alaska, which was replaced by a Biden Roadless Rule that continues a 2001 Clinton rule affecting 9.37 million of the forest’s 16.7 million acres.65 The Clinton rule affects an area where communities are in small islands with no road access. It has prevented multiple infrastructure projects, including roads, electric transmission lines, and water and sewer projects, and it forces residents to use a heavily subsidized ferry system. Logging has been shut down to the extent that New York harvests more timber than does all of Alaska. OTHER ACTIONS The 30 by 30 Plan.66 President Biden’s Executive Order 14008 (30 by 30 plan)67 requires that the federal government, which already owns one-third of the country: (1) remove vast amounts of private property from productive use; and (2) end congressionally mandated uses of all federal land. The end result will be “total federal control of an additional 440 million acres of land or oceans in the U.S. by 2030.”68

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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