The bill
Securing Semiconductor Supply Chains Act
S. 97, 119th Congress — read as touching Semiconductors & Hardware.
Securing Semiconductor Supply Chains Act
Download PDFBill ID: 119/s/97
Last Updated: September 7, 2026
Sponsored by
Sen. Peters, Gary C. [D-MI]
ID: P000595
Follow the money
The sponsor
Sen. Peters, Gary C. [D-MI]
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
$76,900 raised
30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
95% match to Project 2025
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Commerce" section, p. 702-704 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Held at the desk.
May 25, 2025
Introduced
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
🏛️
Committee Review
🗳️
Floor Action
✅
Passed Senate
🏛️
House Review
🎉
Passed Congress
🖊️
Presidential Action
⚖️
Became Law
📚 How does a bill become a law?
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Bill Summary
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, folks! The Securing Semiconductor Supply Chains Act (S 97) - because what's more thrilling than a bill about semiconductors? Let me put on my surgical gloves and dissect this mess.
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The main purpose is to create the illusion that Congress cares about securing semiconductor supply chains. In reality, it's just a thinly veiled attempt to funnel foreign direct investment into the pockets of select corporations and State-level economic development organizations. The objective? To make it seem like they're doing something about the "complex" global supply chain while actually accomplishing nothing.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** Section 4 is where the magic happens - or rather, doesn't happen. SelectUSA will "coordinate" with State-level economic development organizations to increase foreign direct investment in semiconductor-related manufacturing and production. Wow, what a bold move! They'll also submit a report in two years that will likely gather dust on some bureaucrat's shelf.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects: corporations looking for handouts, State-level economic development organizations seeking more funding, and politicians eager to claim they're "doing something" about the economy. Meanwhile, actual workers and consumers will be left in the dark, wondering what this bill actually accomplishes.
**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It won't address the real issues plaguing the semiconductor industry, such as lack of investment in domestic manufacturing or the stranglehold of monopolies. Instead, it'll create more bureaucratic red tape and opportunities for crony capitalism. The only ones who will benefit are those with connections to the politicians sponsoring this bill.
In short, S 97 is a masterclass in legislative obfuscation, designed to confuse voters while enriching special interests. It's a disease masquerading as medicine - and I'm not buying it.
Related Topics
Defense Spending & Procurement
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)
💰 Campaign Finance Network
Sen. Peters, Gary C. [D-MI]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
Total Contributions
$983,428
604 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$43,800
Committees
$0
Individuals
$939,628
No PAC contributions found
1
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
$7,900
2
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA TRIBE OF NORTH DAKOTA
$7,900
3
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE TRIBE OF CALIFORNIA
$5,400
4
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
$5,000
5
MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
$4,300
6
STRATEGIC LINK CONSULTING, LP
$3,300
7
CHEROKEE NATION
$2,500
8
NOTTAWASEPI HURON BAND OF THE POTAWATOMI
$2,000
9
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
$2,000
10
TRANSPOND, LLC
$2,000
11
SUQUAMISH INDIAN TRIBE
$1,000
12
KW BRADLEY ASSOCIATES
$500
No committee contributions found
1
ARNOLD, LAURA
$6,600
2
ATTWOOD, JAMES ALBERT JR
$6,600
3
BOURLA, ALBERT
$6,600
4
HALE, KAREN
$6,600
5
KALISMAN, HILARY
$6,600
6
KALISMAN, JASON TAUBMAN
$6,600
7
KALISMAN, PHILIP
$6,600
8
O'DAY, DANIEL
$6,600
9
ROSE, JONATHAN
$6,600
10
SIMMONS, IAN
$6,600
11
WU, ALBERT
$6,600
12
CAREY, SUSANNA
$5,900
13
ISRAEL, HOWARD
$5,900
14
NICKERSON, MARTINUS H.
$5,600
15
NESSEL, ARIEL
$5,500
16
EMERSON, LANGSTON C.
$5,400
17
HART, MICHAEL
$5,400
18
HOWARD, BARRY L.
$5,000
19
SEIKALY, WILLIAM R.
$5,000
20
SIMMONS, JOHN
$5,000
21
SKERBECK, SONJA
$5,000
22
STRASBERG, ROBERT
$5,000
23
NIEMIEC, AUSTIN
$4,700
24
DESAI, ANKIT
$4,500
25
NELSON, JAMES
$4,200
26
GRIX, HENRY M.
$4,100
27
HOWELL, ANDREW
$4,100
28
STAPLETON, THOMAS
$4,000
29
RICCHETTI, JEFF
$3,800
30
ABRAMS, NINA DODGE
$3,700
31
ANDREESSEN, MARC
$3,300
32
BANFIELD, WILLIAM
$3,300
33
BARROSSE, DAVID
$3,300
34
BOERNER, CHRISTOPHER
$3,300
35
BRADWAY, ROBERT
$3,300
36
BRIDGES, ELAINE
$3,300
37
CARROLL, COLIN
$3,300
38
CHU, MORGAN
$3,300
39
DAVIS, ROBERT M.
$3,300
40
DIXON, CHRIS
$3,300
41
EMERSON, BILL
$3,300
42
GIBBS, SAMUEL
$3,300
43
HALL JR., DON
$3,300
44
HARDY, ALEXANDER
$3,300
45
HAUSMANN, ESTHER
$3,300
46
HOBERMAN, TOM
$3,300
47
HOROWITZ, BEN
$3,300
48
JUNCOSA, MARK
$3,300
49
KRAMER, ANDREA
$3,300
50
LEPRINO, TERRY L.
$3,300
51
LIPSKAR, SIMON
$3,300
52
MIRMEHDI, MICHEAL
$3,300
53
NYMAN, MELISSA
$3,300
54
NYMAN, SPENCER
$3,300
55
PHELAN, DANIEL J.
$3,300
56
RICKS, DAVID
$3,300
57
SEABOLT, DOUG
$3,300
58
SHOTWELL, GWYNNE
$3,300
59
SMITH, JIM
$3,300
60
TAND, MOHAMMAD R.
$3,300
61
TELLIER, J. CHRISTOPHE
$3,300
62
WHEAT, ALAN D.
$3,300
63
WILLIAMS, LESLIE K.
$3,300
64
YOUNGMAN, ANDREW
$3,300
65
SMITH, PAMELA
$3,200
66
BELL, JAMES EDWARD III
$3,100
67
MISCIKOWSKI, CYNTHIA
$3,100
68
DWYER, DENIS II
$3,000
69
GOODE, CHRISTOPHER J
$3,000
70
GREENE, BARRY E.
$3,000
71
HIGGINBOTTOM, ELZIE L.
$3,000
72
HOBERMAN, ELLEN
$3,000
73
KIME, CARL
$3,000
74
KOHN, GERALD
$3,000
75
LYONS, TOM
$3,000
76
MCLAUGHLIN, BRIAN
$3,000
77
PARVEN, SCOTT
$3,000
78
STANTON, MARY BETH
$3,000
79
WIGGINS, CHANI
$3,000
80
SCHLEIN, TED
$2,900
81
TISCH, JONATHAN M.
$2,900
82
TISCH, LIZZIE
$2,900
83
BICKWIT, LEONARD JR
$2,800
84
KAPLAN, JAMES
$2,800
85
LABULA, JOSEPH
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86
DUFFORD, WILLIAM E.
$2,700
87
HERRMANN, MATTHEW
$2,700
88
KOONCE, TOM
$2,700
89
FETTIG, DWIGHT
$2,600
90
KLEIN, ISRAEL
$2,600
91
MYERS, CAROL
$2,600
92
ALSUP, WILLIAM BYRN III
$2,500
93
BLOOM, ELAINE
$2,500
94
BRITTON, JOSEPH
$2,500
95
BYERS, DAVID
$2,500
96
EBRAHIMI, MEHRAN
$2,500
97
FRYMOYER, BILL
$2,500
98
GARSON, BRETT
$2,500
99
GRESHAM, DANA
$2,500
100
HARRIS, JOI
$2,500
101
JONES, BOB
$2,500
102
JUDKINS, JAMES
$2,500
103
MCBRIDE, LINCOLN
$2,500
104
MILLER, ROBERT
$2,500
105
NORCIA, JERRY
$2,500
106
SMITH, MICHAEL
$2,500
107
VEALENCIS, JOSEPH J.
$2,500
108
VIEHBACHER, CHRISTOPHER
$2,500
109
WHITTEN, LORI
$2,500
110
ZIARKO, JEFF
$2,500
111
NELSON, MARY G.
$2,300
112
CAREY, STEPHEN
$2,200
113
FORBES, JEFFREY
$2,200
114
GURLEY, JOHN
$2,200
115
MOTTUR, AL E.
$2,200
116
DEWITT, CHARLIE
$2,100
117
KESHISHIAN, MARC D.
$2,100
118
POMPER, BRIAN
$2,100
119
SIMON, DEBORAH
$2,100
120
BELL, DAWN
$2,000
121
BOYLE, DAPHNE
$2,000
122
BRAMWELL, ADAM
$2,000
123
BUNDSCHUH, RUSSELL
$2,000
124
CURRIE, MARY C.
$2,000
125
DILLON, BRANDON
$2,000
126
FERGUSON, KATHLEEN
$2,000
127
GILL, DEREK
$2,000
128
HALL, JEAN
$2,000
129
HARRIS, SHELDON
$2,000
130
IRBY, WILLIAM
$2,000
131
KEMLER, JAMES
$2,000
132
KHODADOST, FATOLLAH
$2,000
133
KNOX, KENNETH
$2,000
134
KRATZ, SUSAN K.
$2,000
135
LASALA, BARRY
$2,000
136
MEEHAN, LAWRENCE
$2,000
137
MINGOLELLI, MICHAEL
$2,000
138
NAGHIPOUR, HAMIDREZA
$2,000
139
NAISON-PHILLIPS, ERIC
$2,000
140
NEMOVI, MOSTAFA
$2,000
141
PAPPAS, NORMAN A.
$2,000
142
PERRICH, DOROTHY M.
$2,000
143
POLESE, DONALD
$2,000
144
ROBINSON, ELLEN K.
$2,000
145
RUSH, ANDRA M.
$2,000
146
SLAY, BRENT L.
$2,000
147
SPECK, ADAM
$2,000
148
SPICER, TRACY B.
$2,000
149
TOUGH, CAROL L.
$2,000
150
TRIGGER, GRANT R.
$2,000
151
TURLEY, JERI
$2,000
152
WAUN, THOMAS W.
$2,000
153
WEINSTEIN, ANNA
$2,000
154
WORTH, PETER
$2,000
155
MICALI, MARK
$1,900
156
LEA, JASON
$1,800
157
TAYLOR, GORDON
$1,800
158
ARRILLAGA-ANDREESSEN, LAURA
$1,700
159
GUIDA, ALFONSO JR.
$1,700
160
HERMANOFF, SANDY M.
$1,700
161
HOROWITZ, FELICIA
$1,700
162
OBERSCHMIDT, DAVID W.
$1,700
163
PETERSON, CARL
$1,700
164
RAYMOND, LAWRENCE B.
$1,700
165
SILENOK, ELENA
$1,700
166
KAROUB, ALICE M.
$1,670
167
LEWIS, BILL R.
$1,655
168
CHEWNING, KIRK
$1,650
169
JOHNSON, DAVID
$1,650
170
ADAMS, RANDY
$1,500
171
ARYA, MANOOCHER
$1,500
172
ASSARIAN, GARY
$1,500
173
ATESIAN, HOWARD P.
$1,500
174
BALDEVIA, LORRIE
$1,500
175
BERMAN, ELLEN
$1,500
176
BERNSTEIN, MATTHEW
$1,500
177
BLOWER, SUSAN
$1,500
178
CHARLES, STEPHEN
$1,500
179
CHENEY, BRADFORD
$1,500
180
DE BOOR, CARL RAE
$1,500
181
EDEN, BRENT
$1,500
182
FAZILI, SAMIRA
$1,500
183
FOLEY, FRED
$1,500
184
JAMIAN, JOHN
$1,500
185
KESSINGER, JOHN
$1,500
186
KIM, JULIE
$1,500
187
KREIKEMEIER, CHAD
$1,500
188
KROVI, VENKATASATYA
$1,500
189
KURIAN, THOMAS
$1,500
190
LUNDE, JOHN
$1,500
191
MASON, MARCUS
$1,500
192
MCKENNA, REGIS
$1,500
193
MERRIGAN, JOHN A.
$1,500
194
POWELL, ROBERT TYLER
$1,500
195
ROBERTSON, DAVID
$1,500
196
SHOUSHANIAN, MARTIN A.
$1,500
197
SIDDIQUI, ARSHI
$1,500
198
SMITH, WALLACE
$1,500
199
SPIELER, NORMAN
$1,500
200
SUNTAG, AARON
$1,500
201
WILLIAMS, PETER
$1,500
202
GILBERT, DAN
$1,400
203
MITCHELL, KELLY
$1,400
204
WALSH, BRENDAN
$1,300
205
BLINDER, MADELINE
$1,250
206
KELLY, JOHN
$1,200
207
OKEEFE, PETER
$1,200
208
RYAN, JIMMY
$1,200
209
IJAZ, MUJEEB
$1,150
210
WHITEHORN, SAM E.
$1,050
211
ADAMS, C. DAN
$1,000
212
AMBROSE, STEVEN
$1,000
213
ANDERSON, KAREN
$1,000
214
ANDERSON, PEGGY
$1,000
215
ANTISHIN, DIANE
$1,000
216
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$1,000
217
ASHFORD, JOHN
$1,000
218
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$1,000
219
BARNWELL, SAM
$1,000
220
BASMAJIAN, ROGER
$1,000
221
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$1,000
222
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$1,000
223
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$1,000
224
BIGGS, RAYMOND A.
$1,000
225
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$1,000
226
BREAUX, JOHN
$1,000
227
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$1,000
228
BREWER, MARK C.
$1,000
229
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$1,000
230
BROITMAN, ELANA
$1,000
231
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$1,000
232
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$1,000
233
BUSCHER, JOHN
$1,000
234
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$1,000
235
CAPUANO, MICHAEL
$1,000
236
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$1,000
237
COLLINS, BARRY
$1,000
238
COLLINS, JOHN
$1,000
239
CONNORS, NORA
$1,000
240
COOK, DAVID A.
$1,000
241
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$1,000
242
DASCHLE, NATHAN
$1,000
243
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$1,000
244
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$1,000
245
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$1,000
246
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$1,000
247
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$1,000
248
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$1,000
249
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$1,000
250
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$1,000
251
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$1,000
252
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253
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$1,000
254
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$1,000
255
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$1,000
256
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$1,000
257
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$1,000
258
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$1,000
259
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$1,000
260
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$1,000
261
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$1,000
262
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$1,000
263
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$1,000
264
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$1,000
265
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$1,000
266
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$1,000
267
HAIDLE, ANDREA T.
$1,000
268
HALLAHAN, KATE
$1,000
269
HEALD, RAY
$1,000
270
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$1,000
271
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$1,000
272
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273
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$1,000
274
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275
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276
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277
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278
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279
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280
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281
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282
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283
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284
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285
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286
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287
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288
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289
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290
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291
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292
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293
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295
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296
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297
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298
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299
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300
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301
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302
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303
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304
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305
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306
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307
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308
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309
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310
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311
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312
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313
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314
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315
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316
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317
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318
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319
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320
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$1,000
321
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322
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323
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$1,000
324
PLYBON, ROBERT
$1,000
325
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$1,000
326
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$1,000
327
QUINN, THOMAS H.
$1,000
328
RAFFAELLI, JOHN D.
$1,000
329
ROGERS, JOHN W. JR.
$1,000
330
ROLLING, MARK
$1,000
331
ROSOWSKI, ROBERT B.
$1,000
332
RUEDIGER, STEPHEN
$1,000
333
RUUD, DAVID S.
$1,000
334
RYAN, JAMES
$1,000
335
SARKESIAN, PETER
$1,000
336
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$1,000
337
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$1,000
338
SHROYER, JULIE E.
$1,000
339
SILVERMAN, STEPHANIE
$1,000
340
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$1,000
341
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$1,000
342
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$1,000
343
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$1,000
344
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$1,000
345
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$1,000
346
SWARTZ, STEPHEN
$1,000
347
TATE, DANIEL JR
$1,000
348
THOMAS, DAVID
$1,000
349
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$1,000
350
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$1,000
351
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$1,000
352
VAN HEUVELEN, ROBERT
$1,000
353
VEALENCIS, JOE
$1,000
354
WALKER, BRAD
$1,000
355
WALSH, KEVIN
$1,000
356
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$1,000
357
WARNER, RICHARD
$1,000
358
WATSON, JOHN S.
$1,000
359
WEBSTER, PETER
$1,000
360
WERNER, MICHAEL
$1,000
361
WEXLER, DAVID
$1,000
362
WILLIAMS, MICHAEL
$1,000
363
WINSLOW, SALLY
$1,000
364
WOODY, MICHAEL
$1,000
365
ZANGENEH, KARIM
$1,000
366
MATLOCK, MARK
$970
367
KATZ, JORDON
$950
368
MULLIN, PETER W.
$900
369
SANFORD, JOHN
$800
370
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$800
371
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Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance
This bill has 2 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
Sen. Blackburn, Marsha [R-TN]
ID: B001243
Top Contributors
26
1
FRIENDS OF COMMUNITY ONCOLOGY PAC
PACVIRGINIA BEACH, VA
$5,000
Apr 12, 2023
2
THE COGGIN GROUP
OrganizationMURFREESBORO, TN
$2,900
Mar 9, 2023
3
THE COGGIN GROUP
OrganizationMURFREESBORO, TN
$2,500
Mar 9, 2023
4
DOSS BROTHERS FARM
OrganizationLAWRENCEBURG, TN
$1,000
Apr 17, 2024
5
DOSS BROTHERS FARM
OrganizationLAWRENCEBURG, TN
$1,000
Mar 18, 2024
6
BL PARTNERS GROUP LLC
OrganizationARLINGTON, VA
$500
Mar 17, 2023
7
KING, RODNEY W.
SELF-EMPLOYED • ATTORNEY
IndividualGERMANTOWN, TN
$13,200
Apr 4, 2024
8
BEAN, BILL G.
HANNING & BEAN ENTERPRISES INC. • REAL ESTATE INVESTOR
IndividualCOLUMBIA CITY, IN
$10,000
May 1, 2024
9
SMITH, THOMAS
PRESCOTT INVESTORS INC. • INVESTOR
IndividualBOCA RATON, FL
$10,000
May 13, 2024
10
GAMBLE, KATHRYN
UNAKA CO • BUSINESS EXECUTIVE
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$9,900
Jul 15, 2024
Sen. Scott, Rick [R-FL]
ID: S001217
Top Contributors
22
1
SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA
OrganizationHOLLYWOOD, FL
$3,300
Aug 22, 2023
2
SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA
OrganizationHOLLYWOOD, FL
$3,300
Aug 12, 2024
3
SCOTT, RICK SENATOR
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualTAMPA, FL
$90,795
May 31, 2024
4
SCOTT, RICK SEN
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$77,714
May 31, 2023
5
SCOTT, RICK SENATOR
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualTAMPA, FL
$69,607
Apr 30, 2024
6
SCOTT, RICK SENATOR
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualTAMPA, FL
$68,538
Aug 31, 2023
7
SCOTT, RICK SENATOR
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualTAMPA, FL
$53,187
Sep 30, 2023
8
SCOTT, RICK SEN
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$49,992
Jun 30, 2023
9
SCOTT, RICK SENATOR
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualTAMPA, FL
$39,695
Jun 30, 2024
10
SCOTT, RICK
US SENATE • US SENATOR
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$34,494
Jan 31, 2023
Donor Network - Sen. Peters, Gary C. [D-MI]
PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Loading...
Showing 52 nodes and 74 connections
Total contributions: $74
Top Donors - Sen. Peters, Gary C. [D-MI]
Showing top 18 donors by contribution amount
12 Orgs6 Individuals
Industry Impact
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.
- +Semiconductors & Hardwareconfidence 0.95
Section 4 and 5 require SelectUSA to coordinate with state-level economic development organizations to increase foreign direct investment in semiconductor-related manufacturing and production, which directly benefits the semiconductor industry by promoting investment in fabrication, advanced packaging, and materials/equipment.
Who funds the sponsor on these industries
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Peters, Gary C. [D-MI])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
Industries this bill HELPS
- from 1 contribution
- KESKES, SIA$250
Project 2025 Policy Matches
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
Department of Commerce
Very Strong
Vector: 69%Pages: 702-704AI Enhanced
AI Analysis:
"The bill directly uses SelectUSA to attract foreign direct investment in semiconductor manufacturing, aligning with Project 2025's goal of leveraging SelectUSA to reshore production, strengthen critical supply chains (especially semiconductors), and reduce reliance on adversaries like China."
Key themes:foreign direct investmentsemiconductor supply chainSelectUSAcritical supply chainsreshoring
— 670 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Strategic decoupling from China; l Defense industrial base strength; l Critical supply chains (e.g., pharmaceuticals, medical devices, food); and l Emerging technologies (e.g., rare earth minerals, semiconductors, batteries, artificial intelligence, quantum computing). Global Markets and the U.S. and Foreign Commercial Service. For more than a decade, strategic planning at Global Markets (GM) and the U.S. and For- eign Commercial Service (CS) has been consistently undermined by increased costs associated with overseas staff and flat or reduced budgets. The Trump Administration introduced crucial, long-overdue business practices such as the implementation of software to manage and track workflow, but a further strategic overhaul of resource allocation is needed to set GM and the CS on a firm footing. Currently, CS manages staff spread over 106 domestic offices in 77 countries around the world. Abroad, several “partner posts” utilize interagency staff and regionally located CS officials to offer services without a permanent physical in-country CS presence. Given the rapidly rising costs imposed by the State Depart- ment on CS posts overseas, a drastic expansion of this model is likely needed. CS resources should be distributed according to the following set of priorities: l Value in countering the malign influence of adversaries, particularly China; l Value in fostering U.S. innovation; l Value in maintaining access to critical supply chains and technology; l Difficulty for U.S. companies in gaining market access without CS involvement; and l Potential untapped export market size and likelihood of expansion. Ultimately, difficult decisions must be made about the value of CS posts and whether individual posts can be justified given current resources and the above criteria. If the State Department deems the diplomatic value of a permanent in-country CS post to be vital to the national interest, then State should bear more of the cost of maintaining that post. Global Markets should also consolidate and elevate the Advocacy Center and SelectUSA as relatively low-cost tools to drive large-scale export transactions — 671 — Department of Commerce and foreign direct investment (FDI). SelectUSA is a low-cost and effective tool in attracting FDI to the U.S. and to re-shore manufacturing and research and devel- opment. In a world in which corruption is rampant, these are among the most effective tools in leveling the playing field for U.S. communities and companies seeking to engage with governments and potential overseas investors. Given the value placed on senior-level engagement by many governments and companies, this consolidated Office of Trade and Investment Advocacy should be headed by a Deputy Assistant Secretary. The new office should also seek congres- sional authorization to utilize its FDI-promotion tools to encourage reshoring by U.S. businesses. BUREAU OF INDUSTRY AND SECURITY During the past two decades, technology transfer from America and its allies has helped accelerate adversaries’ technological and weapons capabilities. This tech- nology transfer on a massive scale has occurred because of adversaries’ exploitation of the U.S.’s open economy and education system through both commercial trans- actions and university and government research programs. Examples include the People’s Republic of China’s dramatic leaps forward in semiconductor design and fabrication, battery energy storage, nuclear weapons capabilities, artificial intel- ligence, space and aerospace engineering, and hypersonic weapons deployment. At the same time, the U.S. has systematically failed to protect critical assets. Rather than promulgate policies to better prevent technology transfer, the U.S. government has either ignored the problem or, worse, from 2008 through 2016 instituted a government-wide “Export Control Reform” process to loosen the Export Administration Regulations (EAR) governing exports of dual-use items to facilitate technology transfer to adversaries, either directly or indirectly through third-country transfers. Those reforms still present in the Department of Commerce’s EAR must be reversed. The United States needs stronger rules to protect technology transfer to adversaries while promoting technology integration and interoperability with allies. Further, U.S. export control regulations should be utilized to prevent theft of personally identifiable information and to encourage U.S. companies to shift production out of China and further diversify their supply chains to better advance U.S. national security interests. For all the below recommendations, BIS needs to move unilaterally while it works with allies to implement complementary export control policies. Waiting to act until allies are ready to move in lockstep is not an option while America’s national security is at risk. Emerging and Foundational Technologies. The Export Control Reform Act of 2018 (ECRA) gave BIS permanent statutory authority to regulate exports of dual-use items (goods, software, and technology). ECRA also mandated that BIS
Trade
Strong
Vector: 65%Pages: 822-824AI Enhanced
AI Analysis:
"The bill aligns with Project 2025's goal of reducing U.S. dependence on Communist Chinese supply chains by promoting domestic semiconductor manufacturing through foreign direct investment, thereby enhancing supply chain resilience and national security."
Key themes:semiconductor supply chainforeign direct investmentnational securityreducing China dependenceeconomic resilience
— 790 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Systematically reduce and eventually eliminate any U.S. dependence on Communist Chinese supply chains that may be used to threaten national security such as medicines, silicon chips, rare earth minerals, computer motherboards, flatscreen displays, and military components. l Sanction any companies, including American companies like Apple, that facilitate Communist China’s use of its Great Firewall surveillance and censorship capabilities. l Order the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Department of Justice to contract with U.S.-owned and U.S.-operated artificial intelligence companies that are capable of detecting, identifying, and disrupting both the domestic groups’ and CCP influencers’ social media operations and funding streams using public information as a rapidly available offensive measure. l Reinvigorate and expand the DHS crackdown on the CCP’s use of e-sellers (including third-party sellers) and the shippers and operators of major warehouses such as Amazon, eBay, and Alibaba to flood U.S. markets with counterfeit and pirated goods. l Compel the closure of all Confucius Institutes in the U.S., which serve as propaganda arms of the CCP. l Significantly reduce or eliminate the issuance of visas to Chinese students or researchers to prevent espionage and information harvesting. l Hold the CCP accountable for the COVID-19 virus, which almost certainly originated as a genetically engineered virus from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, and do so through the establishment of a presidential commission or select congressional committee that would investigate the origins of the virus; its various costs, both economically and in human life; and the possible means of collecting damages from the CCP, which are likely to rise to the trillions of dollars. If the new U.S. President wishes to defend this country against the serious exis- tential threat posed by Communist China, that President will adopt all of these proposals through the requisite presidential executive orders or memoranda. Effective Trade Policy in the Real World. To conclude this analysis, it is useful to offer brief reflections on a number of key obstacles to implementing the policy initiatives recommended in this chapter. These obstacles include: — 791 — Trade l The dogma of the Ricardian free-trade model, which has been used as propaganda to thwart the adoption of measures that seek to level the global trading field for American manufacturers, farmers, ranchers, and workers; l The politics of trade policy, which has led to a great divide that makes trade policy reforms difficult to implement; l The economics of trade deficits, which are not adequately understood either by the American public or by the policymaking intelligentsia; and l The crucial role of supportive White House and Administration personnel in implementing effective trade policies. The Dogma of Free Trade. Clearly, the fair and balanced trade orientation of this chapter runs starkly against the free trade grain of the globalist Ricardian orthodoxy, which is predicated on the theory that free trade represents the best path by which to achieve both American and global prosperity. This orthodoxy is based on the ivory tower academic conclusion that if countries trade freely among each other, each will pursue its own comparative advantages; production will be most efficient around the world; the economic pie will be bigger both for the globe and for each free trading country; and (so long as workers who lose their jobs are fairly compensated from the gains from trade) everyone will be better off. The most obvious problem with this orthodoxy (there are many more) is that nowhere is Ricardian free trade mirrored in the real world. Instead, America trades in a world where the WTO’s MFN rules are stacked against us, scofflaws like Communist China run roughshod over what meager WTO rules there are, and the United States among all of the world’s developed nations is the biggest victim of the free trade Ricardian orthodoxy. During his first term, President Donald Trump preached that there can be no free trade without fair, reciprocal, and balanced trade. He was right then, and who- ever is the next President in 2025 should heed this critical principle whenever the flag of free trade is waved to prevent the adoption of needed reforms. The Politics of Trade Policy: Who Benefits? Today, there is a great divide among Americans that stands in the way of constructive trade policy reforms. This great divide is certainly not about a partisan desire for low taxes and a reduced regulatory burden. Rather, it is over whether our borders should be open or secure and whether it is prudent to offshore our manufacturing and defense industrial base and associated supply chains. Those who support secure borders and seek to onshore more of American pro- duction and supply chains do so to boost the real wages of American workers and to
Department of Commerce
Strong
Vector: 65%Pages: 702-704AI Enhanced
AI Analysis:
"The bill aligns strongly with Project 2025's focus on strengthening critical supply chains, particularly semiconductors, and enhancing economic resilience against strategic competitors like China. Both emphasize securing domestic production capabilities in key technologies to support national security and industrial base strength."
Key themes:semiconductor supply chainsforeign direct investmenteconomic resiliencecritical technologiesnational security
— 669 — Department of Commerce l Develop a new methodology to determine normal values in Chinese anti- dumping cases because—given China’s size, economic might, and state intervention in the economy—there is no comparable surrogate country to use as a proxy for production costs. In addition to these changes, continued support for steel and aluminum market analysis and import monitoring remains crucial to the U.S. defense industrial base and the health of global manufacturing. Without these functions, it is difficult to address massive subsidization, overcapacity, and dumping by China. Industry and Analysis. Industry and Analysis (I&A) consists of a team of econ- omists and industry experts that provides important analysis to partners across the government, including the White House and USTR, as well as the public. As the Department of Commerce’s Committee on Foreign Investments in the United States (CFIUS) lead, I&A performs crucial work to ensure that the proper economic impact/supply chain analysis is brought to national security risk assess- ments. This analysis is needed for CFIUS to be an effective tool in preventing China and other adversaries from exploiting the U.S.’s open investment climate. I&A also provides impact assessments and economic modeling for policy options under Administration consideration; plays a critical role in identifying trade barriers and providing industry-specific expertise for USTR during free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations; and does indispensable work ensuring cross-bor- der data flows, particularly with Europe, remain open and relatively unrestricted. However, outside of these functions, implementation of I&A’s mission as an intellectual engine for U.S. trade and investment policy can often lack energy and focus. For instance, the Top Market Reports that represent a large volume of I&A work do not serve a specific strategic function and could be better replaced by industry competitiveness assessments in critical sectors of the economy. Strong and capable leadership is needed in I&A to ensure Administration pri- orities permeate the organization and that staff support Administration priorities. I&A produces a mandatory report to Congress regarding the Miscellaneous Tariff Bill, which focuses solely on U.S. capacity in the goods being considered for tariff exclusions and does not include highly relevant information on capacity among FTA partners and close allies. The resulting final report has thus been used to lobby for tariff reductions on thousands of imports from China without concern for any other factors. This lack of priority given to FTA partners is troubling. Going forward, I&A should be permanently restructured to perform supply-chain analysis on an ongoing basis for the U.S. government, identifying potential vulner- abilities like those exposed by the pandemic and resulting shortages in everything from semiconductors to baby formula. Furthermore, permanent standing teams should be established and staffed by properly aligned political appointees and trusted career staff to analyze and spur action on the following priority policy issues: — 670 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Strategic decoupling from China; l Defense industrial base strength; l Critical supply chains (e.g., pharmaceuticals, medical devices, food); and l Emerging technologies (e.g., rare earth minerals, semiconductors, batteries, artificial intelligence, quantum computing). Global Markets and the U.S. and Foreign Commercial Service. For more than a decade, strategic planning at Global Markets (GM) and the U.S. and For- eign Commercial Service (CS) has been consistently undermined by increased costs associated with overseas staff and flat or reduced budgets. The Trump Administration introduced crucial, long-overdue business practices such as the implementation of software to manage and track workflow, but a further strategic overhaul of resource allocation is needed to set GM and the CS on a firm footing. Currently, CS manages staff spread over 106 domestic offices in 77 countries around the world. Abroad, several “partner posts” utilize interagency staff and regionally located CS officials to offer services without a permanent physical in-country CS presence. Given the rapidly rising costs imposed by the State Depart- ment on CS posts overseas, a drastic expansion of this model is likely needed. CS resources should be distributed according to the following set of priorities: l Value in countering the malign influence of adversaries, particularly China; l Value in fostering U.S. innovation; l Value in maintaining access to critical supply chains and technology; l Difficulty for U.S. companies in gaining market access without CS involvement; and l Potential untapped export market size and likelihood of expansion. Ultimately, difficult decisions must be made about the value of CS posts and whether individual posts can be justified given current resources and the above criteria. If the State Department deems the diplomatic value of a permanent in-country CS post to be vital to the national interest, then State should bear more of the cost of maintaining that post. Global Markets should also consolidate and elevate the Advocacy Center and SelectUSA as relatively low-cost tools to drive large-scale export transactions
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
About These Correlations
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.