Justice for Murder Victims Act

Download PDF
Bill ID: 119/s/960
Last Updated: July 17, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Grassley, Chuck [R-IA]

ID: G000386

Follow the money

The bill

Justice for Murder Victims Act

S. 960, 119th Congress — read as touching Law Enforcement & Surveillance Tech.

The sponsor

Sen. Grassley, Chuck [R-IA]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$82,472 raised

23 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Justice" section, p. 584-586 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Held at the desk.

March 13, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

**Summary of S. 960: Justice for Murder Victims Act**

**1. Main Purpose & Objectives** The stated purpose of S. 960 is to eliminate any time barrier between a harmful act and the resulting death for federal homicide prosecutions—essentially allowing charges to be filed no matter how long it takes for a victim to die from injuries inflicted years earlier. Sponsored by Senators Grassley, Ossoff, and Lee, the bill claims to deliver “justice for murder victims” by ensuring perpetrators can’t escape liability due to medical advances that prolong life after trauma. In reality, it’s a solution in search of a problem: federal homicide jurisdiction is already narrow, and cases where someone lingers for years before dying from an assault are vanishingly rare. The true objective appears to be political theater—letting lawmakers pretend they’re tough on crime while ignoring the systemic failures that actually allow violent offenders to evade justice (like underfunded labs, broken witness protection, or prosecutors who plea-bargain away murder charges). It’s legislative masturbation: satisfying to perform, but clinically useless.

**2. Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law** The bill amends Title 18, U.S.C., by adding §1123, which states that federal homicide prosecutions may proceed “without regard to the time elapsed” between the injurious act and the victim’s death. However, it explicitly preserves the general statute of limitations (via §3282(a))—meaning most federal crimes still expire after 5 years unless an exception applies. The real kicker is in subsection (c) and the amendment to §1111(b): if the victim dies more than **1 year and 1 day** after the act, the death penalty is barred, and punishment is reduced to imprisonment “for any term of years or for life” (i.e., no mandatory life). So, the bill doesn’t actually remove time limits—it *creates* a new one: linger too long, and you escape the needle. It’s a perverse incentive: hope your victim clings to life past 366 days, and you get a sentencing discount. The drafters either didn’t read their own text or are counting on nobody else to.

**3. Affected Parties & Stakeholders** - **Defendants**: Gain a bizarre loophole—prolong the victim’s suffering beyond a year+, and you avoid capital punishment. - **Prosecutors**: Must now prove not just causation, but that death occurred within 366 days to seek death—adding unnecessary complexity to already rare federal murder cases. - **Victims’ Families**: Offered false hope; this bill won’t solve cold cases or improve investigation rates. - **Taxpayers**: Fund the litigation over whether a gang shooting from 2020 caused a death in 2025, while actual murder clearance rates stagnate. - **Legislators**: Get to issue press releases about “justice” while doing nothing about witness intimidation, forensic backlogs, or the fact that most federal homicides occur in jurisdictions already covered by state law.

**4. Potential Impact & Implications** Practically, **none**. Federal homicide prosecutions are uncommon and usually tied to specific jurisdictions (federal lands, tribal areas, or crimes like kidnapping resulting in death). The scenario this bill addresses—someone survives a federal assault for years before dying—is statistically negligible. The real impact is symbolic: it lets Congress pretend it’s fixing justice while avoiding hard choices. Worse, it introduces a grotesque sentencing arbitrariness where a victim’s lifespan—dictated by luck, healthcare, or hospital quality—determines whether the killer lives or dies. It’s not justice; it’s morbid roulette. If lawmakers truly cared about murder victims, they’d fund unsolved case units, not pass bills that turn survivorship into a legal loophole. This isn’t reform—it’s legislative necrophilia: fondling the corpse of a problem that doesn’t exist while ignoring the living, bleeding victims of inaction.

Related Topics

Criminal Justice & Law EnforcementJudiciary & Legal Reform
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Grassley, Chuck [R-IA]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$130,307
63 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$0
Committees
$3,000
Individuals
$127,307

No PAC contributions found

No organization contributions found

1
SAC & FOX TRIBE OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN IOWA
1 transaction
$2,000
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$1,000
1
KUMAR, SHALLI
2 transactions
$9,900
2
SCHWARZMAN, CHRISTINE
2 transactions
$9,900
3
SCHWARZMAN, STEPHEN
2 transactions
$9,900
4
ARVIG, ALLEN
3 transactions
$6,710
5
STARRETT, RONALD
2 transactions
$5,800
6
COLLINS, RICHARD
1 transaction
$5,523
7
MALONE, KIP
6 transactions
$4,520
8
DETERMAN, MARK
1 transaction
$3,300
9
MCKEE, JACK C
1 transaction
$3,300
10
WEISS, LUKE
1 transaction
$3,300
11
PECK JR, JOHN
1 transaction
$2,900
12
LEIGH, JOHN
4 transactions
$2,715
13
COLLINS, III, HENRY L.
1 transaction
$2,601
14
POSNER, IDA MOLLOY
1 transaction
$2,500
15
VANDERHAAG, JOHN
3 transactions
$2,500
16
DIMARE, SCOTT
3 transactions
$1,500
17
RADY, PAUL
2 transactions
$1,500
18
VANDER HAAG, JOHN C
1 transaction
$1,500
19
RICHARDS, MARY
2 transactions
$1,435
20
NWANERI, MATTHEW
1 transaction
$1,200
21
FRENCH, ARTHUR
1 transaction
$1,000
22
JUCKETTE, LINDA
1 transaction
$1,000
23
KOROLOGOS, TOM C
1 transaction
$1,000
24
LARSON, ELLEN T
1 transaction
$1,000
25
MANATOS, ANDREW E
1 transaction
$1,000
26
MERCHANT, AHMED
1 transaction
$1,000
27
PATRICK, CHRIS MR..
1 transaction
$1,000
28
ROGERS, DIRKSEN
1 transaction
$1,000
29
SABIN, DANIEL
2 transactions
$1,000
30
SCUDDER, JACK
1 transaction
$1,000
31
SMITH, JAMES A
1 transaction
$1,000
32
SMITH, THOMAS STUART MR..
1 transaction
$1,000
33
VANDERPOOL, MARYLEE
1 transaction
$1,000
34
JOHNS, SUSAN
1 transaction
$990
35
PHELPS, DICK
1 transaction
$910
36
HESS, CURTIS
1 transaction
$750
37
LUO, KERRI
1 transaction
$750
38
WILLIAMS, ANGELA
1 transaction
$630
39
AXMEAR, FRED
1 transaction
$500
40
FRANKEN, KEN
1 transaction
$500
41
HARKEN, MARY J
1 transaction
$500
42
HASKENHOFF, TINA
1 transaction
$500
43
HILL, VERNON
1 transaction
$500
44
HUSSAIN, SULEMAN
1 transaction
$500
45
JOHNSON, WAYNE
1 transaction
$500
46
KOESTNER, RICHARD
1 transaction
$500
47
LILLIS, TERRY
1 transaction
$500
48
MCKEON, PATRICIA
1 transaction
$500
49
MCMICKLE, JOHN
1 transaction
$500
50
MOGLER, DEVIN
1 transaction
$500
51
PECK, JOHN
1 transaction
$500
52
RITTS, SUSAN BUTLER
1 transaction
$500
53
SUTTER, THEODORE
1 transaction
$500
54
VANDER HAAG, RUTH
1 transaction
$500
55
VANKERCKHOVE, BRUCE
1 transaction
$500
56
VIGO, JUDITH
1 transaction
$500
57
WHITCOMB, STANLEY
1 transaction
$500

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 2 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Ossoff, Jon [D-GA]

ID: O000174

Top Contributors

20

1
THOMAS, TORI
IndividualMCLEAN, VA
$9,100
Jun 30, 2024
2
MCCLURE, RODERICK
RODFATHER PRODUCTIONS • BUSINESS OWNER
IndividualALPHARETTA, GA
$6,600
Nov 25, 2024
3
MCCLURE, RODERICK
IndividualALPHARETTA, GA
$6,600
Dec 23, 2024
4
HOLLANDER, ELLEN
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualROSWELL, GA
$5,000
Oct 6, 2024
5
HOLLANDER, ELLEN
IndividualROSWELL, GA
$5,000
Oct 14, 2024
6
MILLER, KRISTIE
SELF EMPLOYED • WRITER
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$3,300
Jun 5, 2024
7
RECHNITZ, JOAN
NOT EMPLOYED • RETIRED
IndividualRED BANK, NJ
$3,300
Apr 22, 2024
8
HOPPER, HEIDI
NOT EMPLOYED • RETIRED
IndividualMENLO PARK, CA
$3,300
May 3, 2024
9
BRASCH, JOHN
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualLINCOLN, NE
$3,300
Apr 16, 2024
10
ARNOLD, JOHN
ARNOLD VENTURES • CO-FOUNDER
IndividualHOUSTON, TX
$3,300
Apr 2, 2024

Sen. Lee, Mike [R-UT]

ID: L000577

Top Contributors

20

1
MACRICOSTAS, GEORGE
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualINCLINE VILLAGE, NV
$13,200
May 14, 2024
2
PFAUTCH, ROY
CIVIC SERVICE • CONSULTANT
IndividualSAINT LOUIS, MO
$9,900
Feb 20, 2024
3
NICOLAISEN, JAMES E
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualPORTLAND, OR
$8,700
Jul 19, 2024
4
METZGER, WILLIAM
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualBOONVILLE, IN
$8,700
Jul 23, 2024
5
S., TINA
SELF • RESTAURANT
IndividualMAUREPAS, LA
$8,700
Sep 10, 2024
6
DE CARLI, JAMES
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualDANA POINT, CA
$8,700
Aug 10, 2024
7
EDWARDS, ZELLA
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualCHAMBERSBURG, PA
$8,700
Sep 10, 2024
8
RICHARDSON, CHERYL
GRANITE SCHOOL DISTRICT • PARAEDUCATOR
IndividualSLC, UT
$8,700
Jul 9, 2024
9
DONADIO, RICHARD
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualDACULA, GA
$8,700
Aug 13, 2024
10
ZALL, MARGIE
RETIRED • RETIRED
IndividualBOYNTON BEACH, FL
$8,700
Sep 19, 2024

Donor Network - Sen. Grassley, Chuck [R-IA]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 42 nodes and 59 connections

Total contributions: $59

Top Donors - Sen. Grassley, Chuck [R-IA]

Showing top 15 donors by contribution amount

1 PAC2 Committees12 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped.

  • Section 2(a) adds a new provision to chapter 51 of title 18, United States Code, allowing for the prosecution of homicide offenses without regard to the time elapsed between the act or omission and the death of the victim, which could increase the effectiveness of law enforcement in investigating and prosecuting crimes.

  • The increased ability to prosecute homicide offenses under federal law (Section 2(a)) may lead to an increase in the number of individuals incarcerated in private prisons.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Justice

Strong
Vector: 59%
Pages: 584-586AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's focus on renewing the Department of Justice's emphasis on violent crime by removing procedural barriers to prosecuting homicides, thereby enhancing accountability and supporting the prosecution of violent offenders even when deaths occur long after the initial act."

Key themes:violent crime reductionprosecutorial accountabilityhomicide prosecutionfederal law enforcement focusjustice for victims

— 552 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise The Director of the FBI must remain politically accountable to the President in the same manner as the head of any other federal department or agency. To ensure prompt political accountability and to rein in perceived or actual abuses, the next conservative Administration should seek a legislative change to align the FBI Director’s position with those of the heads of all other major departments and agencies. RENEWING THE DEPARTMENT’S FOCUS ON VIOLENT CRIME Despite the DOJ’s pronouncements that violent crime continues to be a top pri- ority, it has increased across the United States. The department’s leadership must make actually reducing violent crime a priority across the United States—and it must do so in partnership with state and local officials in a manner that is tailored to the needs and conditions in those states and localities. Targeting Violent and Career Criminals, Not Parents. The next conserva- tive Administration must ensure that the Department of Justice devotes significant effort to reducing violent crime nationwide. The Attorney General should require all U.S. Attorneys to develop a jurisdictional-specific plan—whenever possible in coordination with state and local law enforcement—to reduce violent crime within each of their districts. Then the Attorney General should hold each U.S. Attorney accountable for achieving actual results. In recent years, federal and state officials have succumbed to calls from anti–law enforcement advocates for so-called criminal justice reform. The pleas- ant-sounding terminology of reform masks the darker reality of this movement, which is one that has supported dismantling effective federal, state, and local law enforcement and stripped away some of the most fundamental tools that law enforcement has long had at its disposal. This campaign is not just ill-advised; it has clearly had real-world consequences in the form of catastrophic increases in crime—particularly violent crime—nationwide. As discussed in the next section, the Department of Justice has a special obligation to restore law and order in such districts.37 Juxtaposed against this increase in violent crime are things like Attorney Gen- eral Merrick Garland’s October 4, 2021, memorandum directing the commitment of significant resources and energies to combating imaginary, politically conve- nient threats of violence toward members of school boards and their staffs during the heat of the Virginia gubernatorial race.38 There was no similar effort to inves- tigate elected officials and other public officers who conspired with outside allies to target and harass parents who were merely exercising their constitutional and statutory rights.39 If we are to continue to have informed and civil dialogue in the United States on issues of public concern, the DOJ must enforce applicable civil rights laws in an even-handed way when citizens’ livelihoods are threatened merely because they have exercised their rights. — 553 — Department of Justice Enhancing the Federal Focus on and Resources in Jurisdictions with Rule-of-Law Deficiencies. A disturbing number of state and local jurisdictions have enacted policies that directly undermine public safety, leave doubt about whether criminals will be punished, and weaken the rule of law. While the prose- cution of criminal offenses in most jurisdictions across the country must remain the responsibility of state and local governments, the federal government owes a special responsibility to Americans in jurisdictions where state and local prose- cutors have abdicated this duty.40 Jurisdictions suffering from deficiencies in the rule of law warrant, as appropri- ate within our federal system, greater attention and additional federal resources that are sufficient to protect the rights of American citizens and federal interests. In the next conservative Administration, the DOJ, acting primarily through its U.S. Attorneys, should therefore: l Use applicable federal laws to bring federal charges against criminals when local jurisdictions wrongfully allow them to evade responsibility for their conduct.41 The department should also increase the federal law enforcement presence in such jurisdictions and explore innovative solutions to bring meaningful charges against criminals and criminal organizations in such jurisdictions. l Where warranted and proper under federal law, initiate legal action against local officials—including District Attorneys—who deny American citizens the “equal protection of the laws” by refusing to prosecute criminal offenses in their jurisdictions. This holds true particularly for jurisdictions that refuse to enforce the law against criminals based on the Left’s favored defining characteristics of the would-be offender (race, so-called gender identity, sexual orientation, etc.) or other political considerations (e.g., immigration status). l Pursue policies and legislation that encourage prosecution of violent crimes as well as appropriate sentences for such offenses. The Biden Administration has adopted policies that do not prevent armed career criminals, who actually commit violent crimes, from committing those crimes. A recent U.S. Sentencing Commission report shows that armed career criminals are consistently sentenced below their minimum sentencing guidelines range.42 There are valid reasons for sentence reductions in particular cases (for example, if the defendant has provided substantial assistance in prosecuting other offenders). At the same time, the DOJ must ensure that its line

Department of Justice

Strong
Vector: 60%
Pages: 587-589AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill removes temporal barriers to prosecuting homicides, thereby giving DOJ additional tools to pursue violent offenders and seek the death penalty where appropriate, aligning with Project 2025's emphasis on using all available prosecutorial tools, enforcing capital punishment for heinous crimes, and delivering justice to victims' families."

Key themes:violent offendersdeath penalty enforcementprosecutorial toolsvictim justicehomicide prosecution

— 554 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise attorneys are consistently using the tools at their disposal in cases with violent offenders, including pursuing mandatory minimum sentences under the Armed Career Criminal Act (ACCA).43 The department should also support legislative efforts to provide further tools, such as the Restoring the Armed Career Criminal Act, which Senators Tom Cotton (R–AR), Marsha Blackburn (R–TN), and Cindy Hyde-Smith (R–MS) introduced in 2021 in response to U.S. Supreme Court decisions neutering the ACCA.44 l Enforce the death penalty where appropriate and applicable. Capital punishment is a sensitive matter, as it should be, but the current crime wave makes deterrence vital at the federal, state, and local levels. However, providing this punishment without ever enforcing it provides justice neither for the victims’ families nor for the defendant. The next conservative Administration should therefore do everything possible to obtain finality for the 44 prisoners currently on federal death row. It should also pursue the death penalty for applicable crimes—particularly heinous crimes involving violence and sexual abuse of children—until Congress says otherwise through legislation.45 DISMANTLING DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL ENTERPRISES Criminal organizations are as old as crime itself, but are more extensive, sophisticated, and dangerous today than at any other point in history. The Department of Justice has a key role in tackling transnational criminal orga- nizations like Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Mexican drug cartels as well as purely domestic criminal organizations like those built on the more traditional mafia crime model as part of its obligation to ensure the safety and security of the American people. The department’s primary directive under the next Administration should be to return to an unapologetic focus on dismantling these criminal organizations and incarcerating their membership. Once this reprioritization occurs, the depart- ment’s political leadership should take concrete steps to use agency reach and resources to prevent these criminal organizations from operating and surviving. Assaulting the business model of these criminal organizations—which are massive, diversified enterprises with nationwide or international operations—is essential for success. The next Administration will therefore need to: l Revitalize the DOJ’s use of the array of statutory tools that exist for dealing with the threat of criminal organizations. The most potent ones are the simplest. For example, the department should:

Department of Justice

Strong
Vector: 58%
Pages: 587-589AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill enhances the Department of Justice's ability to prosecute homicides and pursue the death penalty, directly supporting the policy's emphasis on using all available tools against violent offenders and enforcing capital punishment where appropriate."

Key themes:violent offender prosecutiondeath penalty enforcementhomicide statutesprosecutorial toolscriminal justice accountability

— 554 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise attorneys are consistently using the tools at their disposal in cases with violent offenders, including pursuing mandatory minimum sentences under the Armed Career Criminal Act (ACCA).43 The department should also support legislative efforts to provide further tools, such as the Restoring the Armed Career Criminal Act, which Senators Tom Cotton (R–AR), Marsha Blackburn (R–TN), and Cindy Hyde-Smith (R–MS) introduced in 2021 in response to U.S. Supreme Court decisions neutering the ACCA.44 l Enforce the death penalty where appropriate and applicable. Capital punishment is a sensitive matter, as it should be, but the current crime wave makes deterrence vital at the federal, state, and local levels. However, providing this punishment without ever enforcing it provides justice neither for the victims’ families nor for the defendant. The next conservative Administration should therefore do everything possible to obtain finality for the 44 prisoners currently on federal death row. It should also pursue the death penalty for applicable crimes—particularly heinous crimes involving violence and sexual abuse of children—until Congress says otherwise through legislation.45 DISMANTLING DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL ENTERPRISES Criminal organizations are as old as crime itself, but are more extensive, sophisticated, and dangerous today than at any other point in history. The Department of Justice has a key role in tackling transnational criminal orga- nizations like Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Mexican drug cartels as well as purely domestic criminal organizations like those built on the more traditional mafia crime model as part of its obligation to ensure the safety and security of the American people. The department’s primary directive under the next Administration should be to return to an unapologetic focus on dismantling these criminal organizations and incarcerating their membership. Once this reprioritization occurs, the depart- ment’s political leadership should take concrete steps to use agency reach and resources to prevent these criminal organizations from operating and surviving. Assaulting the business model of these criminal organizations—which are massive, diversified enterprises with nationwide or international operations—is essential for success. The next Administration will therefore need to: l Revitalize the DOJ’s use of the array of statutory tools that exist for dealing with the threat of criminal organizations. The most potent ones are the simplest. For example, the department should: — 555 — Department of Justice 1. Rigorously prosecute as much interstate drug activity as possible, including simple possession of distributable quantities.46 Recent efforts to create the impression that drug possession crimes are not serious offenses has contributed to the explosion of criminal organization activities in the United States. 2. Aggressively deploy the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO),47 which Congress expressly created to empower the Department of Justice to treat patterns of intrastate- level crimes, such as robbery, extortion, and murder, as federal criminal conduct for criminal organizations and networks. The next Administration can use existing tools while it works with Congress to develop new tools. l Secure the border,48 which is the key entry point for many criminal organizations and their supplies, products, and employees. Mexico— which is arguably functioning as a failed state run by drug cartels—is the main point of transit for illegal drugs produced in Central and South America, fentanyl precursors from the Chinese Communist Party–led People’s Republic of China,49 weapons, human smuggling and trafficking, and other contraband. Mexican drug cartels, including the dominant Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), are the main drivers of fentanyl production and distribution in the United States. The southwestern land border is sufficiently porous that Mexican drug cartels have operational control of large sections of the border, which facilitates easy movement of product and personnel. These cartels are also violent and not afraid to demonstrate force on both sides of the border. Their conduct represents a clear and present danger to the United States and its citizens. In addition to finalizing the southwestern land border wall, the next Administration should take a creative and aggressive approach to tackling these dangerous criminal organizations at the border. This could include use of active-duty military personnel and National Guardsmen to assist in arrest operations along the border—something that has not yet been done. A new and forceful approach to interdiction will have a ripple effect on the operations of these criminal organizations, which currently operate freely without concern for criminal prosecution, and will lay the necessary groundwork for initial prosecutions of these organizations and their leaders. It is critical that the federal government staunch the flow of drugs by preventing the far-too-easy access to the United States that now exists.

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

Full Policy Text

Related Bills