End-of-Year Fiscal Responsibility Act

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Bill ID: 119/s/4059
Last Updated: April 30, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

ID: E000295

Follow the money

The bill

End-of-Year Fiscal Responsibility Act

S. 4059, 119th Congress — read as touching Defense Contractors.

The sponsor

Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$383,500 raised

23 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

69% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 40-42 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Committee on Small Business and Entrepreneurship. Hearings held.

March 17, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the esteemed Senator Ernst. The "End-of-Year Fiscal Responsibility Act" - because nothing says "fiscal responsibility" like a bill that's essentially a Trojan horse for pork-barrel spending.

Let's dissect this farce:

**Total funding amounts and budget allocations:** Ah, the grand total? A whopping $0. That's right; this bill doesn't actually allocate any funds. It's all about "requirements" and "reporting" - code words for "we're going to pretend to be responsible while doing nothing."

**Key programs and agencies receiving funds:** None. Zilch. This bill is a shell game, folks. The real money will be hidden in the fine print of future appropriations bills or slipped into omnibus packages like a bad habit.

**Notable increases or decreases from previous years:** Ha! Don't make me laugh. This bill doesn't touch actual funding levels; it's all about "averages" and "exceptions." It's like trying to diagnose a patient by only looking at their symptoms, not the underlying disease.

**Riders or policy provisions attached to funding:** Ah, now we get to the good stuff. The exception for national security-related activities and disaster relief efforts is a cleverly crafted loophole big enough to drive a truck through. It's like saying, "We're going to be fiscally responsible... unless it's an emergency, in which case, all bets are off."

**Fiscal impact and deficit implications:** Oh boy, this is where the magic happens. By not actually allocating funds or addressing the underlying budget issues, this bill ensures that our national debt will continue to balloon like a patient on a ventilator. It's a fiscal time bomb, and we're just waiting for it to go off.

Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a severe case of "Fiscal Irresponsibility Syndrome" (FIS), characterized by grandiose language, empty promises, and a complete lack of actual fiscal discipline. The symptoms are clear: politicians trying to look responsible while doing nothing, voters too apathetic or ignorant to care, and a system that rewards pork-barrel spending over actual governance.

Treatment? A healthy dose of skepticism, a strong stomach for the inevitable consequences, and a willingness to call out these charlatans for what they are. But hey, who needs actual fiscal responsibility when you can just pass a bill with a catchy title and pretend to be doing something?

Related Topics

Federal Budget & Appropriations
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$383,500
22 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$7,700
Committees
$0
Individuals
$375,800

No PAC contributions found

1
SAC & FOX TRIBE OF MISSISSIPPI IN IOWA
2 transactions
$6,700
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
ABEL, ANDREA MS.
1 transaction
$50,000
2
MCINERNEY, THOMAS E. MR.
1 transaction
$50,000
3
NICOLLS, BOB MR.
1 transaction
$25,000
4
GRAY, C. BOYDEN
1 transaction
$25,000
5
CATSIMATIDIS, JOHN A. MR.
1 transaction
$25,000
6
KOTICK, ROBERT MR.
1 transaction
$16,600
7
VINCZE, CHRISTOPHER
1 transaction
$15,800
8
FRANCE, BRIAN Z. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
9
BAKER, BERNARD J. MR. III
1 transaction
$15,000
10
HEGYI, ALBERT P. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
11
DAVISON, JAMES E. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
12
BROIN, JEFF MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
13
SHERRILL, STEPHEN C. MR.
1 transaction
$15,000
14
GLEESON, JOHN W. MR.
1 transaction
$12,500
15
RAY-GLEESON, KAREN S. MRS.
1 transaction
$12,500
16
POPOLO, JOE
1 transaction
$11,800
17
PFAUTCH, ROY MR.
1 transaction
$11,600
18
GOLDMAN, MARC STANLEY
1 transaction
$10,000
19
SCHLOEMER, JAMES H. MR.
1 transaction
$10,000
20
SABIN, ANDREW MR.
1 transaction
$10,000

Donor Network - Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 43 nodes and 23 connections (39 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $383,500

Top Donors - Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA]

Showing top 22 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs20 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 2 harmed.

  • +Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.90

    Section 3(c) provides an exception for national security-related activities, which may benefit defense contractors by allowing them to continue receiving discretionary appropriations without restrictions.

  • Section 3(a) imposes restrictions on Executive agency spending at the end of a fiscal year, which may limit investment opportunities for private equity and hedge funds in government contracts and projects.

  • Commercial Banksconfidence 0.70

    Section 3(a) reduces government spending, which may decrease the demand for banking services and loans from commercial banks.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Ernst, Joni [R-IA])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 6 contributions
    • ROWAN, MARC J. MR.$9,900
    • FRIEDMAN, SCOTT$2,500
    • ALHADI, AYAD$2,000
    • KIRBY, ANDREW$1,000
    • NOVA, RIA$500
  • from 22 contributions
    • ROHRBAUGH, TROY$3,300
    • DIMON, JAMIE$3,300
    • LOPATA, BENJAMIN$2,000
    • BEER, ALLISON$1,000
    • MESACK, MICHELLE$500

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate69.1%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

Introduction

Moderate69.1%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

Introduction

Moderate61.2%
Pages: 316-318

— 283 — Section Three THE GENERAL WELFARE When our Founders wrote in the Constitution that the federal government w ould “promote the general Welfare,” they could not have fathomed a m assive bureaucracy that would someday spend $3 trillion in a single year—roughly the sum, combined, spent by the departments covered in this section in 2022. Approximately half of that colossal sum was spent by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) alone—the belly of the massive behemoth that is the modern administrative state. HHS is home to Medicare and Medicaid, the principal drivers of our $31 trillion national debt. When Congress passed and President Lyndon B. Johnson signed into law these programs, they were set on autopilot with no plan for how to pay for them. The first year that Medicare spending was visible on the books was 1967. From that point on through 2020—according to the American Main Street Initia- tive’s analysis of official federal tallies—Medicare and Medicaid combined cost $17.8 trillion, while our combined federal deficits over that same span were $17.9 trillion. In essence, our deficit problem is a Medicare and Medicaid problem. HHS is also home to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the duo most responsible—along with President Joe Biden—for the irrational, destructive, un-American mask and vaccine mandates that were imposed upon an ostensibly free people during the COVID-19 pandemic. All along, it was clear from randomized controlled trials— the gold standard of medical research—that masks provide little to no benefit in preventing the spread of viruses and might even be counterproductive. Yet the CDC ignored these high-quality RCTs, cherry-picked from politically malleable — 284 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise “observational studies,” and declared that everyone except children and infants below the age of two should don masks. Under COVID, as former director of HHS’s Office of Civil Rights Roger Severino writes in Chapter 14, the CDC exposed itself as “perhaps the most incompetent and arrogant agency in the federal government.” Nor is the CDC the only villain in this play. Severino writes of the National Institutes of Health, “Despite its popular image as a benign science agency, NIH was responsible for paying for research in aborted baby body parts, human animal chimera experiments”—in which the genes of humans and animals are mixed, “and gain-of-function viral research that may have been responsible for COVID-19.” Severino writes that “Anthony Fauci’s division of the NIH”—the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases—“owns half the patent for the Moderna COVID- 19 vaccine,” and “several NIH employees” receive “up to $150,000 annually from Moderna vaccine sales.” That would be the same experimental mRNA vaccine that the CDC now wants to force on children, who are at little to no risk from COVID-19 but at great risk from public health officials. The incestuous relationship between the NIH, CDC, and vaccine makers—with all of the conflict of interest it entails—cannot be allowed to continue, and the revolving door between them must be locked. As Severino writes, “Funding for scientific research should not be controlled by a small group of highly paid and unaccountable insiders at the NIH, many of whom stay in power for decades. The NIH monopoly on directing research should be broken.” What’s more, NIH has long “been at the forefront in pushing junk gender science.” The next HHS secretary should immediately put an end to the department’s foray into woke transgen- der activism. HHS also pushes abortion as a form of “health care,” skirting and sometimes blatantly defying the Hyde Amendment in the process. Severino writes that the “FDA should…reverse its approval of chemical abortion drugs because the polit- icized approval process was illegal from the start.” In addition, HHS programs often violate the spirit, and sometimes the letter, of conscience-protection laws. Severino writes that the HHS “Secretary should pursue a robust agenda to pro- tect the fundamental right to life, protect conscience rights, and uphold bodily integrity rooted in biological realities, not ideology.” The next secretary should also reverse the Biden Administration’s focus on “‘LGBTQ+ equity,’ subsidizing single-motherhood, disincentivizing work, and penalizing marriage,” replacing such policies with those encouraging marriage, work, motherhood, fatherhood, and nuclear families. If there is another department that has gone off the rails like HHS during the Obama and Biden Administrations, it is the once proud Department of Justice (DOJ). As former counselor to the attorney general Gene Hamilton writes in Chap- ter 17, the department “has a long and noble history”—Edmund Randolph, the first attorney general, took office the same year as President Washington—yet its

Showing 3 of 4 policy matches

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Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

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