The bill
Global Investment in American Jobs Act of 2025
S. 2563, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
Sponsored by
Sen. Young, Todd [R-IN]
ID: Y000064
Follow the money
The bill
S. 2563, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Trade" section, p. 852-854 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Held at the desk.
March 23, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The "Global Investment in American Jobs Act of 2025" is a cleverly crafted bill designed to make it seem like our esteemed lawmakers are actually doing something about the economy. In reality, its primary objective is to create a smokescreen for corporate interests and foreign investors to swoop in and exploit American workers.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill's core provisions revolve around conducting an interagency review of the global competitiveness of the United States in attracting foreign direct investment. Sounds innocuous, right? Wrong. This is just a euphemism for "let's make it easier for multinational corporations and state-owned enterprises from 'trusted countries' to buy up American assets and dictate our economic policies."
The bill also establishes a framework for reviewing foreign direct investment, which will inevitably lead to more loopholes and exemptions for big business. And, of course, there are the obligatory nods to "national security" and "protecting American jobs," which are nothing more than empty platitudes designed to placate the gullible.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The real beneficiaries of this bill will be:
1. Multinational corporations seeking to expand their influence in the United States. 2. Foreign investors from "trusted countries" looking to exploit American markets and workers. 3. Lobbyists and special interest groups who will reap the rewards of increased foreign investment.
Meanwhile, the average American worker will likely see their wages stagnate or decline as a result of this bill's provisions.
**Potential Impact & Implications:** The impact of this bill will be a further erosion of American economic sovereignty and an increase in corporate influence over our government. It will also lead to:
1. Job displacement and downward pressure on wages. 2. Increased foreign ownership of critical infrastructure and strategic assets. 3. A widening wealth gap between the ultra-rich and the working class.
In short, this bill is a classic case of "legislative lupus" – it's a disease that masquerades as a cure but ultimately destroys the very fabric of our economy.
Now, if you'll excuse me, I have better things to do than watch our lawmakers engage in this farcical dance. Wake me up when they actually try to pass legislation that benefits the American people instead of just lining their own pockets and those of their corporate overlords.
Sen. Young, Todd [R-IN]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No organization contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: P000595
Top Contributors
43
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 50 nodes and 48 connections
Total contributions: $48
Showing top 20 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 5 helped.
Section 3(2)(C) promotes policies to ensure the United States remains the global leader in developing and deploying cutting-edge technologies such as artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, quantum computing, and blockchain, which directly benefits big tech platforms.
Section 3(2)(C) promotes policies to ensure the United States remains the global leader in developing and deploying cutting-edge technologies such as artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, quantum computing, and blockchain, which directly benefits AI and cloud infrastructure providers.
Section 3(2)(C) promotes policies to ensure the United States remains the global leader in developing and deploying cutting-edge technologies such as artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, quantum computing, and blockchain, which benefits semiconductor and hardware companies.
Section 3(2)(D) promotes policies that maintain and expand resilient supply chains and reduce dependence on supply chains from foreign countries of concern, which could benefit defense contractors through supply chain security initiatives.
Section 3(2)(C) promotes policies to ensure the United States remains the global leader in developing and deploying cutting-edge technologies such as the Internet of Things, which benefits telecommunications companies involved in IoT infrastructure.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Young, Todd [R-IN])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill’s focus on attracting foreign direct investment from trusted countries while addressing national security risks posed by state-backed enterprises aligns closely with Project 2025’s emphasis on countering China’s economic aggression, protecting U.S. technology and intellectual property, and using tools like IEEPA and AECA to safeguard national interests."
— 819 — Trade 14. Adam Behsudi, “Duffy Finds 18 Co-sponsors for Bill to Increase Trump’s Tariff Powers,” Politico, January 24, 2019, https://www.politico.com/story/2019/01/24/duffy-finds-18-co-sponsors-for-bill-to-increase-trumps- trade-powers-2555509 (accessed February 26, 2023). 15. FTAs like NAFTA represent a carve-out from the WTO’s unconditional MFN rule and generally lead to tariffs that tend to be set at more reciprocal levels. 16. H.R.764, United States Reciprocal Trade Act, § 3(b)(1) and (b)(2). 17. Damian Paletta, “Speaker Ryan Admits Defeat, Giving up on Border Adjustment Tax,” The Washington Post, July 27, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2017/07/27/paul-ryan-admits-defeat-giving- up-on-border-adjustment-tax/ (accessed February 25, 2023). 18. This section draws on analyses in White House Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, How China’s Economic Aggression Threatens the Technologies and Intellectual Property of the United States and the World, June 2018, https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/FINAL-China-Technology- Report-6.18.18-PDF.pdf (accessed February 25, 2023). 19. Bloomberg News, “Xi’s Vow of World Dominance by 2049 Sends Chill Through Markets,” October 26, 2022, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-10-26/xi-s-vow-of-world-dominance-by-2049-sends-chill- through-markets?leadSource=uverify%20wall (accessed February 25, 2023). 20. Executive Office of the President, United States Trade Representative, 2017 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, January 2018, https://ustr.gov/sites/default/files/files/Press/Reports/China%202017%20 WTO%20Report.pdf (accessed February 25, 2023). 21. White House Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, How China’s Economic Aggression Threatens the Technologies and Intellectual Property of the United States and the World. 22. The National Medium- and Long-Term Program for Science and Technology Development Plan (2006–2020): An Outline, The State Council, The People’s Republic of China, p. [55], https://www.itu.int/en/ITU-D/ Cybersecurity/Documents/National_Strategies_Repository/China_2006.pdf (accessed March 21, 2023). 23. Commission on the Theft of American Intellectual Property, Update to the IP Commission Report: The Theft of American Intellectual Property: Reassessments of the Challenge and United States Policy, February 2017, pp. 2, 11, and 12, http://www.ipcommission.org/report/IP_Commission_Report_Update_2017.pdf (accessed February 25, 2023). 24. The laws, which have been put in place for national security purposes, have been promulgated under the Arms Export Control Act (AECA), 22 U.S.C. Ch. 39, §§ 2751–2756, 2761–2781, 2785, and 2791–27999aa-2, https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/22/chapter-39 (accessed February 25, 2023) and the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), 50 U.S.C. Ch. 35, §§ 1701–1708, https://www.law.cornell.edu/ uscode/text/50/chapter-35 (accessed February 25, 2023). 25. Ministry of Education, People’s Republic of China, “Statistics on Studying in China in 2018,” http://www.moe. gov.cn/was5/web/search?searchword=Statistics+on+Studying+in+China+in+2018&channelid=254028&page=1 (accessed March 21, 2023). 26. Michael Brown and Pavneet Singh, “China’s Technology Transfer Strategy: How Chinese Investments in Emerging Technology Enable a Strategic Competitor to Access the Crown Jewels of U.S. Innovation, Updated with 2016 and 2017 Data,” Defense Innovation Unit Experimental (DIUx), January 2018, https://admin.govexec. com/media/diux_chinatechnologytransferstudy_jan_2018_(1).pdf (accessed February 25, 2023). The DIUx describes itself as “the only DOD Organization focused on accelerating the adoption of commercial and dual- use technology to solve operational challenges at speed and scale.” Defense Innovation Unit Experimental, “About,” https://www.diu.mil/ (accessed February 25, 2023). 27. Brown and Singh, “China’s Technology Transfer Strategy: How Chinese Investments in Emerging Technology Enable a Strategic Competitor to Access the Crown Jewels of U.S. Innovation, Updated with 2016 and 2017 Data,” p. 18. 28. Ingrid Lunden, “Huawei Puts $1M into a New AI Research Partnership with UC Berkeley,” TechCrunch, October 11, 2016, https://techcrunch.com/2016/10/11/huawei-puts-1m-into-a-new-ai-research-partnership-with- ucberkeley/ (accessed February 25, 2023). 29. Press release, “President Trump Announces Strong Actions to Address China’s Unfair Trade,” Office of the United States Trade Representative, March 22, 2018, https://ustr.gov/about-us/policy-offices/press-office/ press-releases/2018/march/president-trump-announces-strong (accessed February 25, 2023). — 820 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 30. “From China with Love: AI, Robotics, AR/VR Are Hot Areas for Chinese Investment In US,” CB Insights, August 1, 2017, https://www.cbinsights.com/research/chinese-investment-us-tech-expert-research/ (accessed February 25, 2023). 31. “Remarks by President Obama and President Xi of the People's Republic of China in Joint Press Conference,” The White House, September 25, 2015, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the- pressffice/2015/09/25/remarks-president-obama-and-president-xi-peoples-republic-china-joint (accessed February 25, 2023). 32. Ankit Panda, “It’s Official: Xi Jinping Breaks His Non-Militarization Pledge in the Spratlys,” The Diplomat, December 16, 2016, https://thediplomat.com/2016/12/its-official-xi-jinping-breaks-his-non-militarization- pledge-in-the-spratlys/ (accessed February 25, 2023). 33. Press release, “USTR Issues Tariffs on Chinese Products in Response to Unfair Trade Practices,” Office of the United States Trade Representative, June 15, 2018, https://ustr.gov/about-us/policy-offices/press-office/press- releases/2018/june/ustr-issues-tariffs-chinese-products (accessed February 25, 2023). 34. Yen Nee Lee, “‘New Consensus’ Reached on US–China Trade, Says Chinese Vice Premier Liu He,” CNBC, updated April 5, 2019, https://www.cnbc.com/2019/04/05/us-china-trade-new-consensus-reached-says- chinas-liu-he.html (accessed February 25, 2023). 35. Reuters, “China Backtracked on Nearly All Aspects of US Trade Deal: Sources,” CNBC, May 8, 2019, https:// www.cnbc.com/2019/05/08/china-backtracked-on-nearly-all-aspects-of-us-trade-deal-sources.html (accessed February 25, 2023). 36. Fact Sheet, “Economic and Trade Agreement Between the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China,” Office of the United States Trade Representative, January 15, 2020, https://ustr.gov/sites/default/ files/files/agreements/phase%20one%20agreement/US_China_Agreement_Fact_Sheet.pdf (accessed February 25, 2023). 37. Warren Buffett, “Warren Buffett: Here’s How I Would Solve the Trade Problem,” Fortune, April 29, 2016, http:// fortune.com/2016/04/29/warren-buffett-foreign-trade/ (accessed February 25, 2023). 38. See, for example, Jeffrey Miron, “Forget the Wall Already, It’s Time for the U.S. to Have Open Borders,” Cato Institute Commentary, July 31, 2018, https://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/forget-wall-already- its-time-us-have-open-borders (accessed February 25, 2023); Scott Lincicome and Alfredo Carrillo Obregon, “The (Updated) Case for Free Trade,” Cato Institute Policy Analysis No. 925, April 19, 2022, https://www.cato. org/sites/cato.org/files/2022-04/PA-925_2.pdf (accessed February 25, 2023); Katheryn Russ, “Yes, US Trade Agreements Led to Economic Gains, Especially in Services, New Report Says,” Peterson Institute for International Economics, Trade and Investment Policy Watch Blog, July 20, 2021, https://www.piie.com/blogs/ trade-and-investment-policy-watch/yes-us-trade-agreements-led-economic-gains-especially (accessed February 25, 2023); Monica de Bolle, “Why Remittance Taxes to Finance a Border Wall Are a Bad Idea…for the US,” Peterson Institute for International Economics, Realtime Economics Blog, January 10, 2017, https://www. piie.com/blogs/realtime-economic-issues-watch/why-remittance-taxes-finance-border-wall-are-bad-idea-us (accessed February 25, 2023). 39. This is a key theme of the author’s White House memoir Taking Back Trump’s America: Why We Lost the White House and How We’ll Win It Back (New York and Nashville: Bombardier Books, 2022). 40. 19 U.S.C. § 1862, https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/19/1862 (accessed February 27, 2023). 41. For a historical example, see Douglas A. Irwin, “Did Late-Nineteenth-Century U.S. Tariffs Promote Infant Industries? Evidence from the Tinplate Industry,” Journal of Economic History, Vol. 60, No. 2 (June 2000), pp. 336–360, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2566374 (accessed February 21, 2023). For a recent example, see Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Eujin Jung, “The High Taxpayer Cost of ‘Saving’ US Jobs Through ‘Made in America,’” Peterson Institute for International Economics, Trade and Investment Policy Watch, August 5, 2020, https:// www.piie.com/blogs/trade-and-investment-policy-watch/high-taxpayer-cost-saving-us-jobs-through-made- america (accessed February 21, 2023). 42. Stephen J. Dubner, “Were Colonial Americans More Literate than Americans Today?” Freakonomics, September 1, 2011, https://freakonomics.com/2011/09/were-colonial-americans-more-literate-than- americans-today/ (accessed February 21, 2023).
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on attracting foreign direct investment and enhancing national security related to foreign investment, while the Project 2025 policy emphasizes prioritizing American workers in hiring, combating visa fraud, and enforcing labor standards in international trade. There is minimal thematic overlap, as the bill does not address domestic hiring preferences, visa fraud enforcement, or international labor standards for workers."
— 613 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies l Congress must amend the law so that employers can again have the freedom to make hiring Americans a priority. Despite the significant advantages that preferring citizens over (work-authorized) aliens in hiring would provide to American workers, businesses, and the country at large, such a practice has been illegal since 1986.25 This makes no sense. Alternative View Some conservatives believe that the government has a duty to limit its spending in order to limit how much it takes from American families. This means that when the government spends money, it must find the most econom- ical and effective way to do so. Excessive government spending will be borne by American workers and families through reduced incomes and purchasing power. There may be good reasons to require a certain percentage of American workers on federal contracts, but those decisions should be based on economy and efficiency as opposed to arbitrary quotas. Visa Fraud. American businesses that commit visa fraud and hire illegal immi- grants should not be the beneficiaries of federal spending. But a 2020 report by the Department of Labor’s Office of Inspector General (OIG) examined the depart- ment’s process for excluding employers who commit visa fraud and abuse from federal contracts and found much to be desired. l To protect the American workforce from unscrupulous immigration lawyers, employers, and labor brokers, the department must follow the recommendations of the OIG and institute more robust investigations for suspected visa fraud and speedier debarments for those found guilty. INTERNATIONAL LABOR POLICY Leveling the International Playing Field for Workers. As recent decades of intense import competition and offshoring have made clear, American workers suffer when the U.S. opens its markets to foreign nations’ minimal labor standards and exploitative conditions. While federal law already prohibits the importation of goods produced with forced labor, the prohibitions are toothless without effective means of enforcement and cover only the most basic of workers’ rights. The Trump Administration and its United States Trade Representative (USTR) took unprece- dented steps to redress the issue for workers. The U.S.–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA) contained the strongest and most far-reaching labor provisions of any free trade agreement (FTA), with protections and commitments to reduce labor abuses and raise wages. It also established new modes of enforcement. For future FTAs, the USTR should replicate the labor provisions of USMCA, especially the provisions to: — 614 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Eliminate all forms of forced or compulsory labor. l Protect workers’ rights to organize and participate voluntarily in a union without employer interference or discrimination. l Create a rapid-response mechanism to provide for an independent panel investigation of denial of labor rights at covered facilities. l Shift the burden of proof by presuming that an alleged violation affects trade and investment, unless otherwise demonstrated. For future authorizations of Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), the President should urge Congress to: l Create mechanisms for supply-chain transparency. l Institute a general prohibition on forced labor conditions. Investigate Foreign Labor Violations That Undermine American Work- ers. The United States’ embrace of globalization has exposed American workers to unfair competition from nations with cheap, abundant, and often exploited labor. American workers have, as a consequence, seen their earning power erode. While negotiating stronger trade agreements with robust labor provisions should be the primary tool with which to regulate international labor competition, the federal government can also take steps to identify the worst labor abuses and rule breakers. DOL’s Bureau of International Labor Affairs (ILAB) plays a critical role in monitor- ing and enforcing the labor provisions of U.S. trade agreements and trade preference programs as well as investigating child labor and human trafficking violations. l The next Administration should focus ILAB investigations on foreign labor violations that do the most to damage American workers’ earning power, specifically regimes that engage in child and forced labor, fail to protect workers’ organizing rights, and permit hazardous or otherwise exploitative working conditions. Alternative/Additional View. Conservatives share a belief in protecting and pro- moting American workers and their families and orienting international policies with Americans’ interests first. Some conservatives believe that the best way to put Amer- ica first is by making America more attractive. In addition to restrictions imposed on other countries, removing existing barriers to American manufacturing, employ- ment, and commerce can help American workers, entrepreneurs, and families.
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on attracting foreign direct investment and enhancing U.S. competitiveness through interagency review, while the Project 2025 Export-Import Bank section critiques EXIM for distorting markets, redistributing jobs, and failing to boost net exports or growth. There is minimal thematic overlap, as the bill promotes foreign investment inflows, whereas the policy opposes export credit subsidies and questions their economic efficacy."
— 719 — Export-Import Bank but the unseen effects are ignored. For example, funding for one industry or firm might take more jobs away from other industries and firms, resulting in a net job loss even though jobs are created for the financed firm. At best, it could be said that the Bank redistributes employment from unsubsidized firms to subsidized firms. However, with very rare exceptions, most exports financed by EXIM would have taken place without government support. Many companies have said so themselves;13 the procurement happens before the decision to get government support; and, as noted above, most EXIM deals go to large companies with easy access to capital. Thus, the agency is taking credit for jobs that would have existed in any event. The Bank does not promote exports. EXIM presidents commonly claim that the agency’s mission is to support U.S. jobs by facilitating American exports through its export-financing tools. However, trade economists have long known that export credit subsidies merely redistribute exporting opportunities to subsi- dized firms instead of increasing the net number of exports—something that also slows economic growth.14 Even more telling is the performance of the U.S. economy and American exports during the four years when EXIM lacked a board quorum (2015–2019) and was barred from finalizing deals in excess of $10 million. During that time, EXIM autho- rizations fell from $21 billion in FY 2014 to $3.6 billion in FY 2018 (adjusted for inflation).15 However, also during that time, regular big-ticket EXIM beneficiaries continued to benefit from their easy access to capital markets and still had the ability to finance their export activities. Further, U.S. exports were utterly unaffected by the reductions in the Bank’s activities.16 U.S. unemployment fell to a level not seen in half a century, but exports soared with financing provided by commercial lenders. The only negative eco- nomic impact from EXIM’s lack of a board quorum was its effect on the Bank itself. This contradicts EXIM’s claim that its activities are crucial for the success of U.S. exporters and economic growth. Instead, it shows that economic growth is the best booster of U.S. exports and job creation and that it does not depend on EXIM subsidies. Subsidy-boosted exports do not boost economic growth. EXIM’s primary reason for existing is to increase exports, as if more exports themselves represent more jobs and economic growth. Recent expressions of this fallacious belief can be found in a book by former EXIM President Fred Hochberg. According to Hochberg, “We know that trade, and exports in particular, can have a big impact on jobs.”17 While this is a common misconception about exports, it is one worth correcting. As trade economists know, exports are a cost to the economy: They subtract from GDP. Imports, on the other hand, add to GDP. If the U.S. could acquire all of the imports that it currently gets without exporting anything in exchange, that would be the best of all worlds. Unfortunately, one reason that foreigners are so eager — 720 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise to sell us their goods is that they want our dollars to buy our debt, invest in the country, and buy our exports. That is why exports drop when overall imports drop. Exports promote U.S. economic growth only if the value of the resources used to produce them is less than the value of what we receive as imports in exchange for those exports. By subsidizing American exports, EXIM causes too many resources to be devoted to producing exports. As a result, the total value of our exports is made larger than it would otherwise be to obtain any given amount of imports. In other words, EXIM thus compels American taxpayers to subsidize foreigners’ standards of living at no appreciable benefit to the U.S. Unfortunately, this misunderstanding and the constant glamorization of exports and their impact on jobs and growth are used to justify government sup- port for some exports (on average, 98 percent of exports are not backed by EXIM financing). It also is extremely unfair. Because capital will tend to shift from unsub- sidized companies to subsidized companies (taxpayers foot the bill if companies backed by the Bank default), unsubsidized export companies face higher borrowing costs, which could translate into fewer jobs in unsubsidized companies or lower pay for their workers. The Bank does not promote growth by leveling the playing field. EXIM’s charter stipulates that one of its missions is to support U.S. exports with the goal of creating jobs and promoting economic growth through the provision of export financing via its loan-guarantee and insurance programs. In particular, EXIM is to intervene in cases “where such support is necessary to level the competitive playing field for U.S. exporters due to financing provided by foreign governments to their exporters.”18 As a result, EXIM for years has been focused primarily on what other countries’ ECAs are doing and how much financing they are providing.19 A reading of any of EXIM’s Competitiveness Reports shows that the Bank frames the “competitive- ness” of the U.S. economy and exporters in extremely narrow terms—specifically, as the amount of business that foreign ECAs are doing relative to EXIM. The report for 2020 features striking evidence of this mindset. For instance, lamenting the “nearly four-year hiatus” during which the Bank lacked a board quorum to approve large deals, EXIM’s leadership maintains that these years “severely hindered EXIM’s ability to support the competitiveness of U.S. export- ers.” During that time, foreign ECAs “fundamentally evolved their philosophy and substantively expanded their roles,” and “the United States must work hard to keep pace.” The Bank goes on to promise that it will “re-emerge from the years of being out of the long-term export finance business and restore its standing as one of the world’s most competitive ECAs.”20 In other words, EXIM bureaucrats appear to believe that economic growth and jobs result not from a favorable tax and regulatory environment, but from a victory in hand-to-hand subsidy combat between government banks. The Bank’s
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.