Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2026

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Bill ID: 119/s/2465
Last Updated: April 30, 2026

Sponsored by

Sen. Hyde-Smith, Cindy [R-MS]

ID: H001079

Follow the money

The bill

Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2026

S. 2465, 119th Congress — read as touching Construction & Engineering.

The sponsor

Sen. Hyde-Smith, Cindy [R-MS]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$105,278 raised

24 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

62% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 40-42 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 125.

July 23, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

🏛️

Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this monstrosity, shall we?

**Diagnosis:** This appropriations bill is a classic case of " Porkulus Maximus," a disease characterized by excessive spending, bureaucratic bloat, and a complete disregard for fiscal responsibility.

**Symptoms:**

1. **Total funding amounts and budget allocations:** A whopping $185,965,000 for the Office of the Secretary alone? That's a 10% increase from last year's appropriation. I'm sure it has nothing to do with the fact that the Secretary needs more money to fund their own ego. 2. **Key programs and agencies receiving funds:** The Advanced Research Projects Agency--Infrastructure (ARPA-I) gets $9,000,000 for "necessary expenses." Necessary? Really? It's just a fancy way of saying "we have no idea what we're doing, but hey, it sounds cool." 3. **Notable increases or decreases from previous years:** A 20% increase in funding for the Office of Intelligence, Security, and Emergency Response. Because, you know, the Transportation Department needs more spies. 4. **Riders or policy provisions attached to funding:** Oh boy, where do I even start? There's a provision that allows the Secretary to transfer funds among purposes without Congressional approval, as long as it doesn't increase or decrease the amount by more than 4%. That's like giving a teenager a blank check and telling them to "just be responsible." 5. **Fiscal impact and deficit implications:** This bill will add billions to our already bloated national debt. But hey, who needs fiscal responsibility when you can just print more money?

**Treatment:**

1. Cut the Office of the Secretary's budget by 50%. They don't need that much money to do their job. 2. Eliminate ARPA-I and redirect those funds to actual infrastructure projects. 3. Reduce the Office of Intelligence, Security, and Emergency Response funding by 20%. We don't need more spies in the Transportation Department. 4. Remove all riders and policy provisions that allow for unchecked spending and bureaucratic overreach. 5. Implement a balanced budget amendment to prevent this kind of fiscal irresponsibility from happening again.

**Prognosis:** This bill will pass, because Congress is addicted to spending other people's money. But mark my words: it will only lead to more waste, more bureaucracy, and more debt. The American people deserve better than this legislative malpractice.

Related Topics

Federal Budget & AppropriationsDefense Spending & ProcurementState & Local Government Affairs
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Hyde-Smith, Cindy [R-MS]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$105,278
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$5,650
Committees
$0
Individuals
$99,628

No PAC contributions found

1
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
1 transaction
$2,900
2
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,500
3
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$1,000
4
THE CHICKASAW NATION
1 transaction
$250

No committee contributions found

1
LUROS, HILARY
2 transactions
$13,200
2
BESSENT, SCOTT
1 transaction
$6,600
3
FREEMAN, JOHN
1 transaction
$6,600
4
CASTLE, JOHN
1 transaction
$6,600
5
SEEMANN, WILLIAM III
1 transaction
$6,600
6
SEEMANN, WILL H. IV
1 transaction
$6,600
7
BORDELON, BEN
1 transaction
$6,600
8
FULCHER, JUSTIN
1 transaction
$6,600
9
DWIRE, JEFF
1 transaction
$5,205
10
HUSTON, DANNY
1 transaction
$4,100
11
GOLDING, STEVE D.
1 transaction
$3,800
12
BUTCHER, JAMES
1 transaction
$3,435
13
FORBES, MARILYN
1 transaction
$3,435
14
FORBES, STEPHEN
1 transaction
$3,435
15
MARTIN JR, E E
1 transaction
$3,409
16
PIZZA, JOE M.
1 transaction
$3,409
17
NICAUD, JENNIFER
1 transaction
$3,400
18
AUSTIN, CLINT
1 transaction
$3,300
19
AUSTIN, DIONNE CHOUEST
1 transaction
$3,300

Donor Network - Sen. Hyde-Smith, Cindy [R-MS]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 52 nodes and 24 connections (51 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $105,278

Top Donors - Sen. Hyde-Smith, Cindy [R-MS]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

4 Orgs19 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 16 helped, 3 harmed.

  • Title I includes $1,136,425,000 for highway infrastructure programs, including $581,225,000 for congressionally directed spending projects, $50,000,000 for Appalachian development highway system, and other infrastructure grants, which directly benefit construction and engineering firms.

  • Title I provides $62,657,105,821 in obligation limitation for Federal-aid highways and $63,396,105,821 for liquidation of contract authority, directly funding freight rail, trucking, and logistics industries.

  • +Cybersecurityconfidence 0.90

    The bill explicitly allocates $60,000,000 for cyber security initiatives in the Department of Transportation, including necessary upgrades to network and information technology infrastructure, improvement of identity management and authentication capabilities, and securing and protecting data.

  • Title I includes $220,000,000 from prior appropriations and $100,000,000 in new funds for grants to states/localities to strategically deploy electric vehicle charging infrastructure, directly benefiting EV manufacturers and charging network companies.

  • The bill allocates $4,530,000,000 for homeless assistance grants under HUD, which includes funding for permanent supportive housing and rapid re-housing programs that often partner with hospitals and health systems to provide healthcare services to homeless individuals.

  • The bill includes funding for the Federal Aviation Administration's operations ($13,818,183,000) and facilities and equipment ($4,000,000,000), which supports commercial aerospace companies through air traffic control modernization, airport improvements, and aviation safety programs.

+ 13 more industries not shown.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Hyde-Smith, Cindy [R-MS])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

Industries this bill HARMS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate62.0%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

Introduction

Moderate62.0%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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