Repeatedly Flooded Communities Preparation Act

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Bill ID: 119/s/1545
Last Updated: May 28, 2025

Sponsored by

Sen. Scott, Tim [R-SC]

ID: S001184

Follow the money

The bill

Repeatedly Flooded Communities Preparation Act

S. 1545, 119th Congress — read as touching Insurance (P&C and Life).

The sponsor

Sen. Scott, Tim [R-SC]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$287,300 raised

26 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Homeland Security" section, p. 186-188 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. Hearings held.

April 30, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed Senate

🏛️

House Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another brilliant piece of legislation from our esteemed Congress. The Repeatedly Flooded Communities Preparation Act, because what's a few billion dollars in flood damage when you can have a fancy new law to "prepare" for it?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The bill's primary objective is to hold communities accountable for repeatedly flooded areas by requiring them to develop and implement plans to mitigate flood risks. Because, apparently, the fact that these areas keep flooding wasn't enough of an incentive.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends the National Flood Insurance Act of 1968 to:

1. Define "covered communities" as those with a certain number of repetitive loss structures or severe repetitive loss structures. 2. Require covered communities to identify repeatedly damaged areas, assess risks, and develop plans to mitigate flood risks. 3. Mandate that these plans be submitted to the Administrator for review and approval. 4. Allow communities to incorporate their plans into existing mitigation plans. 5. Provide data and mitigation grants to assist communities in developing their plans.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects:

1. Communities with repeatedly flooded areas (i.e., those who will actually have to do something). 2. The National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) administrators, who get to review and approve all these lovely plans. 3. Property owners in affected areas, who might see their premiums increase or face sanctions if their community doesn't comply.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a masterclass in bureaucratic doublespeak. It sounds great on paper – "community accountability" and "mitigating flood risks" are wonderful buzzwords. But let's be real:

1. This law will create more red tape, not less. Communities will have to navigate another layer of bureaucracy to get their plans approved. 2. The NFIP administrators will have even more power to dictate what communities can and cannot do. 3. Property owners in affected areas might see increased costs or penalties if their community doesn't comply.

In short, this bill is a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. It's a feel-good measure that won't actually address the root causes of flooding or provide meaningful relief to those affected. But hey, at least it sounds good in a press release.

Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a bad case of " Politician-itis" – a disease characterized by an excessive desire for self-aggrandizement and a complete lack of understanding of the underlying issues. Treatment: a healthy dose of skepticism and a strong stomach to withstand the inevitable bureaucratic mess that will ensue.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Sen. Scott, Tim [R-SC]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$287,300
24 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$23,300
Committees
$0
Individuals
$264,000

No PAC contributions found

1
FAIRWAY INVESTMENTS, LLC
2 transactions
$16,500
2
MK INTERNATIONAL LLC
1 transaction
$3,300
3
OSWALD COOKE & ASSOCIATES, LLC
1 transaction
$1,500
4
HUDSON CAPITAL ADVISORS LLC
1 transaction
$1,000
5
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
EMMET, RICHARD
2 transactions
$26,400
2
BOLDRICK, JAMES
1 transaction
$13,200
3
DUHAMEL, WILLIAM
1 transaction
$13,200
4
GROFF, SUSAN
1 transaction
$13,200
5
SLUSKY, ALEX
1 transaction
$13,200
6
HAMMOND, GREGORY
1 transaction
$13,200
7
NAVARRO, ANNE
1 transaction
$13,200
8
NEWMAN, BRAD
1 transaction
$13,200
9
ANDERSON, MORGAN
1 transaction
$13,200
10
BROWN, JAMES
1 transaction
$13,200
11
CANN, DAVID
1 transaction
$13,200
12
CHAMBERLAIN, LEE
1 transaction
$13,200
13
COLQUITT, DAVID
1 transaction
$13,200
14
CONVERSE, JUSTIN
1 transaction
$13,200
15
DEERING, TONY
1 transaction
$13,200
16
DEJONG, ROBERT
1 transaction
$13,200
17
GOLDBAUM, ROBERT
1 transaction
$13,200
18
HASLAM, BILL
1 transaction
$13,200
19
HASLAM, JAMES
1 transaction
$13,200

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Sen. Schatz, Brian [D-HI]

ID: S001194

Top Contributors

10

1
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$3,300
Dec 30, 2024
2
CATAWBA INDIAN NATION
OrganizationROCK HILL, SC
$3,300
May 17, 2024
3
SENECA NATION OF INDIANS
OrganizationSALAMANCA, NY
$3,300
Apr 17, 2024
4
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationRED ROCK, OK
$3,300
Aug 12, 2023
5
PASCUA YAQUI TRIBE
OrganizationTUCSON, AZ
$3,300
Sep 29, 2023
6
OTOE MISSOURIA TRIBE OF OKLAHOMA
OrganizationRED ROCK, OK
$3,300
Aug 12, 2023
7
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Aug 12, 2023
8
HABEMATOLEL POMO OF UPPER LAKE
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Aug 12, 2023
9
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA
OrganizationBELCOURT, ND
$3,300
Aug 12, 2023
10
TURTLE MOUNTAIN BAND OF CHIPPEWA
OrganizationBELCOURT, ND
$3,300
Aug 12, 2023

Donor Network - Sen. Scott, Tim [R-SC]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 47 nodes and 29 connections (55 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $297,200

Top Donors - Sen. Scott, Tim [R-SC]

Showing top 24 donors by contribution amount

5 Orgs19 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped.

  • Section 2(e)(4)(B) allows the Administrator to consider a community's compliance and progress in reducing flood risks when determining financial assistance under the Act, which could benefit insurers by promoting flood mitigation and reducing claims.

  • Section 2(e)(2)(C) requires covered communities to develop and implement flood mitigation plans, which may involve construction and engineering services for infrastructure improvements, benefiting firms in this sector.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Scott, Tim [R-SC])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HELPS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Homeland Security

Strong
Vector: 62%
Pages: 186-188AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill aligns with Project 2025's FEMA reform goals by targeting NFIP financial sustainability through community accountability and mitigation, reducing federal liability and encouraging local responsibility in flood-prone areas."

Key themes:FEMA reformNational Flood Insurance Programflood mitigationcommunity resiliencefederal financial liability

— 153 — Department of Homeland Security l 287(g) program. Issue a memo prohibiting any jurisdiction that applies from being denied access to the program unless good cause is shown. l Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) priorities. Issue Department Management Directive (and ICE companion Directive) to refocus HSI on immigration offenses and criminal offenses typically associated with immigration (for example, human trafficking). All criminal investigative work without a clear nexus to the border or otherwise to Title 8 should be turned over to the appropriate federal agency. l Blackie’s Warrants. ICE OPLA, ERO, and HSI should issue a joint internal memo on operationalizing Blackie’s Warrants for immediate use on worksite enforcement and other appropriate investigations and operations. FEDERAL EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT AGENCY (FEMA) Needed Reforms FEMA is the lead federal agency in preparing for and responding to disasters, but it is overtasked, overcompensates for the lack of state and local preparedness and response, and is regularly in deep debt. After passage of the 1988 Stafford Act,12 the number of declared federal disasters rose dramatically as most disaster costs were shifted from states and local governments to the federal government. In addition, state-friendly FEMA regulations, such as a “per capita indicator,” failed to maintain the pace of inflation and made it easy to meet disaster declaration thresholds. This combination has left FEMA unprepared in both readiness and funding for the truly catastrophic disasters in which its services are most needed. Reform of FEMA requires a greater emphasis on federalism and state and local preparedness, leaving FEMA to focus on large, widespread disasters. Under the Stafford Act, FEMA has the authority to adjust the per capita indi- cator for damages, which creates a threshold under which states and localities are not eligible for public assistance. FEMA should raise the threshold because the per capita indicator has not kept pace with inflation, and this over time has effectively lowered the threshold for public assistance and caused FEMA’s resources to be stretched perilously thin. Alternatively, applying a deductible could accomplish a similar outcome while also incentivizing states to take a more proactive role in their own preparedness and response capabilities. In addition, Congress should change the cost-share arrangement so that the federal government covers 25 per- cent of the costs for small disasters with the cost share reaching a maximum of 75 percent for truly catastrophic disasters. FEMA is also responsible for the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP), nearly all of which is issued by the federal government. Washington provides — 154 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise insurance at prices lower than the actuarially fair rate, thereby subsidizing flood insurance. Then, when flood costs exceed NFIP’s revenue, FEMA seeks taxpay- er-funded bailouts. Current NFIP debt is $20.5 billion, and in 2017, Congress canceled $16 billion in debt when FEMA reached its borrowing authority limit. These subsidies and bailouts only encourage more development in flood zones, increasing the potential losses to both NFIP and the taxpayer. The NFIP should be wound down and replaced with private insurance starting with the least risky areas currently identified by the program. Budget Issues FEMA manages all grants for DHS, and these grants have become pork for states, localities, and special-interest groups. Since 2002, DHS/FEMA have provided more than $56 billion in preparedness grants for state, local, tribal, and territorial governments. For FY 2023, President Biden requested more than $3.5 billion for federal assistance grants.13 Funds provided under these programs do not provide measurable gains for preparedness or resiliency. Rather, more than any objective needs, political interests appear to direct the flow of nondisaster funds. The principles of federalism should be upheld; these indicate that states better understand their unique needs and should bear the costs of their particularized programs. FEMA employees in Washington, D.C., should not determine how bil- lions of federal tax dollars should be awarded to train local law enforcement officers in Texas, harden cybersecurity infrastructure in Utah, or supplement migrant shelters in Arizona. DHS should not be in the business of handing out federal tax dollars: These grants should be terminated. Accomplishing this, however, will require action by Members of Congress who repeatedly vote to fund grants for political reasons. The transition should focus on building resilience and return on investment in line with real threats. Personnel FEMA currently has four Senate-confirmed positions. Only the Administrator should be confirmed by the Senate; other political leadership need not be con- firmed by the Senate. Additionally, FEMA’s “springing Cabinet position” should be eliminated, as this creates significant unnecessary challenges to the functioning of the whole of DHS at points in time when coordinated responses are most needed. CYBERSECURITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE SECURITY AGENCY (CISA) Needed Reforms CISA is supposed to have two key roles: (1) protection of the federal civilian government networks (.gov) while coordinating the execution of national cyber defense and sharing information with non-federal and private-sector partners

Department of Homeland Security

Moderate
Vector: 64%
Pages: 186-188AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the bill and Project 2025 aim to reduce the financial burden on the NFIP and increase community resilience, but the bill seeks to reform NFIP through accountability and mitigation while Project 2025 advocates winding down NFIP and replacing it with private insurance, resulting in moderate thematic overlap."

Key themes:NFIP financial burdenflood risk mitigationcommunity resilienceaccountability for flood-prone areasreducing federal subsidies

— 154 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise insurance at prices lower than the actuarially fair rate, thereby subsidizing flood insurance. Then, when flood costs exceed NFIP’s revenue, FEMA seeks taxpay- er-funded bailouts. Current NFIP debt is $20.5 billion, and in 2017, Congress canceled $16 billion in debt when FEMA reached its borrowing authority limit. These subsidies and bailouts only encourage more development in flood zones, increasing the potential losses to both NFIP and the taxpayer. The NFIP should be wound down and replaced with private insurance starting with the least risky areas currently identified by the program. Budget Issues FEMA manages all grants for DHS, and these grants have become pork for states, localities, and special-interest groups. Since 2002, DHS/FEMA have provided more than $56 billion in preparedness grants for state, local, tribal, and territorial governments. For FY 2023, President Biden requested more than $3.5 billion for federal assistance grants.13 Funds provided under these programs do not provide measurable gains for preparedness or resiliency. Rather, more than any objective needs, political interests appear to direct the flow of nondisaster funds. The principles of federalism should be upheld; these indicate that states better understand their unique needs and should bear the costs of their particularized programs. FEMA employees in Washington, D.C., should not determine how bil- lions of federal tax dollars should be awarded to train local law enforcement officers in Texas, harden cybersecurity infrastructure in Utah, or supplement migrant shelters in Arizona. DHS should not be in the business of handing out federal tax dollars: These grants should be terminated. Accomplishing this, however, will require action by Members of Congress who repeatedly vote to fund grants for political reasons. The transition should focus on building resilience and return on investment in line with real threats. Personnel FEMA currently has four Senate-confirmed positions. Only the Administrator should be confirmed by the Senate; other political leadership need not be con- firmed by the Senate. Additionally, FEMA’s “springing Cabinet position” should be eliminated, as this creates significant unnecessary challenges to the functioning of the whole of DHS at points in time when coordinated responses are most needed. CYBERSECURITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE SECURITY AGENCY (CISA) Needed Reforms CISA is supposed to have two key roles: (1) protection of the federal civilian government networks (.gov) while coordinating the execution of national cyber defense and sharing information with non-federal and private-sector partners — 155 — Department of Homeland Security and (2) national coordination of critical infrastructure security and resilience. Yet CISA has rapidly expanded its scope into lanes where it does not belong, the most recent and most glaring example being censorship of so-called misinformation and disinformation. CISA’s funding and resources should align narrowly with the foregoing two mission requirements. The component’s emergency communications and Chem- ical Facility Anti-Terrorism Standards (CFATS) roles should be moved to FEMA; its school security functions should be transferred to state homeland security offices; and CISA should refrain from duplicating cybersecurity functions done elsewhere at the Department of Defense, FBI, National Security Agency, and U.S. Secret Service. Of the utmost urgency is immediately ending CISA’s counter-mis/disinforma- tion efforts. The federal government cannot be the arbiter of truth. CISA began this work because of alleged Russian misinformation in the 2016 election, which in fact turned out to be a Clinton campaign “dirty trick.” The Intelligence Commu- nity, including the NSA or DOD, should counter foreign actors. At the time of this writing, release of the Twitter Files has demonstrated that CISA has devolved into an unconstitutional censoring and election engineering apparatus of the political Left. In any event, the entirety of the CISA Cybersecurity Advisory Committee should be dismissed on Day One. For election security, CISA should help states and localities assess whether they have good cyber hygiene in their hardware and software in preparation for an election—but nothing more. This is of value to smaller localities, particularly by flagging who is attacking their websites. CISA should not be significantly involved closer to an election. Nor should it participate in messaging or propaganda. U.S. COAST GUARD (USCG) Needed Reforms The U.S. Coast Guard fleet should be sized to the needs of great-power compe- tition, specifically focusing efforts and investment on protecting U.S. waters, all while seeking to find (where feasible) more economical ways to perform USCG missions. The scope of the Coast Guard’s mission needs to be focused on protecting U.S. resources and interests in its home waters, specifically its Exclusive Economic Zone (200 miles from shore). USCG’s budget should address the growing demand for it to address the increasing threat from the Chinese fishing fleet in home waters as well as narcotics and migrant flows in the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific. Doing this will require reversing years of shortfalls in shipbuilding, maintenance, and upgrades of shore facilities as well as seeking more cost-effective ship and facility designs. In wartime, the USCG supports the Navy, but it has limited capability and capacity to support wartime missions outside home waters.

Environmental Protection Agency

Weak
Vector: 62%
Pages: 458-460AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill focuses on flood risk mitigation and NFIP accountability, while the Project 2025 EPA section addresses air quality, greenhouse gas regulations, and permitting reforms; they share only broad themes of risk reduction and federal‑local coordination but operate in distinct policy domains."

Key themes:mitigationrisk assessmentfederal‑state‑local coordinationcost considerationsresilience

— 425 — Environmental Protection Agency are statutorily required, and remove any regulatory differences between attainment and maintenance that are not explicitly required by law. l Streamline the process for state and local governments to demonstrate that their federally funded highway projects will not interfere with NAAQS attainment. l Adopt policies to prevent abuse of EPA’s CAA “error correction” authority.20 EPA historically has used this to coerce states into adopting its favored policies on pain of imposition of a Federal Implementation Plan (FIP). l Limit EPA’s reliance on CAA § 30121 general rulemaking authority to ensure that it is not abused to issue regulations for which EPA lacks substantive authority elsewhere in the statute. l If possible, return the standard-setting role to Congress. Climate Change l Remove the Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program (GHGRP) for any source category that is not currently being regulated. The overall reporting program imposes significant burdens on small businesses and companies that are not being regulated. This is either a pointless burden or a sword-of- Damocles threat of future regulation, neither of which is appropriate. l Establish a system, with an appropriate deadline, to update the 2009 endangerment finding. l Establish a significant emissions rate (SER) for greenhouse gasses (GHGs). Regulating Hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) Under the American Innovation and Manufacturing (AIM) Act22 l Repeal Biden Administration implementing regulations for the AIM Act that are unnecessarily stringent and costly. l Refrain from granting petitions from opportunistic manufacturers to add new restrictions that further skew the market toward costlier refrigerants and equipment. — 426 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Conduct realistic cost assessments that reflect actual consumer experiences instead of the current unrealistic ones claiming that the program is virtually cost-free. Mobile Source Regulation by the Office of Transportation and Air Quality l Establish GHG car standards under Department of Transportation (DOT) leadership that properly consider cost, choice, safety, and national security. l Review the existing “ramp rate” for car standards to ensure that it is actually achievable. l Include life cycle emissions of electric vehicles and consider all of their environmental impacts. l Restore the position that California’s waiver applies only to California- specific issues like ground-level ozone, not global climate issues. l Ensure that other states can adopt California’s standards only for traditional/criteria pollutants, not greenhouse gases. l Stop the use of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) to increase standards on airplanes. l Reconsider the Cleaner Trucks Initiative to balance the goal of driving down emissions without creating significant costs or complex burdens on the industry. Air Permitting Reforms for New Source Review (Pre-Construction Per- mits) and Title V (Operating Permits) l Develop reforms to ensure that when a facility improves efficiency within its production process, new permitting requirements are not triggered. l Restore the Trump EPA position on Once-In, Always-In (that major sources can convert to area sources when affiliated emissions standards are met). l Revisit permitting and enforcement assumptions that sources will operate 24 hours a day, 365 days a year; this artificially inflates a source’s potential to emit (PTE), which can result in more stringent permit terms.

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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