The bill
Preserve Access to Affordable Generics and Biosimilars Act
S. 1096, 119th Congress — read as touching Pharmaceuticals.
Sponsored by
Sen. Klobuchar, Amy [D-MN]
ID: K000367
Follow the money
The bill
S. 1096, 119th Congress — read as touching Pharmaceuticals.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
25 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Health and Human Services" section, p. 488-490 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 46.
April 9, 2025
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another bill from the esteemed members of Congress, no doubt crafted with the utmost sincerity and not at all driven by the interests of their pharmaceutical industry donors. Let's take a look at this masterpiece.
**Main Purpose & Objectives**
The Preserve Access to Affordable Generics and Biosimilars Act (S 1096) claims to aim at promoting competition in the pharmaceutical market by prohibiting "reverse payment" settlement agreements between brand name drug companies and generic or biosimilar manufacturers. These agreements allegedly delay the entry of affordable generics and biosimilars into the market, thereby harming consumers.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law**
The bill amends the Federal Trade Commission Act (FTCA) by adding a new section that prohibits parties from entering into agreements that resolve patent claims in connection with the sale of a drug product or biological product if such agreements have anticompetitive effects. The bill also establishes a presumption that an agreement has anticompetitive effects if it involves the transfer of value, including exclusive licenses, to generic or biosimilar manufacturers.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders**
The usual suspects are involved here: brand name drug companies, generic and biosimilar manufacturers, consumers, and the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). Pharmaceutical industry lobbyists must be thrilled to see their interests being "protected" by this bill.
**Potential Impact & Implications**
Let's get real for a moment. This bill is not about promoting competition or helping consumers; it's about maintaining the status quo of pharmaceutical industry profits. By prohibiting "reverse payment" agreements, Congress is essentially allowing brand name companies to maintain their monopolies on expensive drugs, while generic and biosimilar manufacturers are left to fight over scraps.
The real impact will be felt by consumers, who will continue to pay exorbitant prices for prescription medications. The FTC will also have its hands tied in enforcing antitrust laws, as the bill's provisions will create a new layer of bureaucratic red tape.
In conclusion, this bill is a masterclass in legislative theater, designed to appease pharmaceutical industry donors while pretending to care about consumers. It's a cynical exercise in regulatory capture, and we should all be outraged by the sheer audacity of it.
Diagnosis: Terminal case of regulatory capture, with symptoms including excessive greed, corruption, and a complete disregard for the public interest. Prognosis: Poor, as this bill will only serve to further entrench the pharmaceutical industry's grip on our healthcare system.
Sen. Klobuchar, Amy [D-MN]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 8 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: G000386
Top Contributors
23
ID: D000563
Top Contributors
23
ID: C001096
Top Contributors
26
ID: B001277
Top Contributors
20
ID: E000295
Top Contributors
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ID: W000800
Top Contributors
22
ID: K000377
Top Contributors
24
ID: B001288
Top Contributors
22
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 48 nodes and 62 connections
Total contributions: $62
Showing top 15 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 helped, 2 harmed.
Section 3(a)(1) prohibits brand name drug companies from compensating generic drug companies to delay generic entry, and Section 3(a)(1) also prohibits biological product manufacturers from compensating biosimilar and interchangeable companies to delay biosimilar entry. This imposes a clear cost on pharmaceutical companies that engage in reverse payment settlement agreements, which are a common practice in the industry to delay competition.
By prohibiting reverse payment settlements that delay generic and biosimilar entry, the bill increases competition and lowers drug prices, which reduces costs for hospitals and health systems that purchase pharmaceuticals. This is supported by findings in Sec. 2(a)(2)-(4) noting prescription drugs are 11% of national health spending and generics cost 80-85% less than brand drugs.
Lower drug prices from increased generic/biosimilar competition reduce prescription drug costs, which are a major component of health insurance expenditures. This is implied in Sec. 2(a)(5) noting federal dollars account for over 40% of $449.7B spent annually on retail prescription drugs, indicating significant impact on payers including insurers.
The bill prohibits biological product manufacturers from compensating biosimilar companies to delay entry, which could reduce profits for biotech firms that rely on biological product sales and may use such settlements to protect monopolies. This is directly addressed in Sec. 2(a)(7)-(9) and Sec. 3(a)(1) which extend the prohibition to biological products and biosimilars.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Sen. Klobuchar, Amy [D-MN])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill aligns with Project 2025's FDA-focused goal of increasing generic drug competition by preventing brand-name manufacturers from delaying generic and biosimilar entry, which directly supports lowering drug costs and improving access."
— 456 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise abortion providers and whether better prenatal physical, mental, and social care improves infant outcomes and decreases abortion rates, especially among those who are most vulnerable. The Ensuring Accurate and Complete Abortion Data Reporting Act of 20239 would amend title XIX of the Social Security Act and Public Health Service Act to improve the CDC’s abortion reporting mechanisms by requiring states, as a condition of federal Medicaid payments for family planning services, to report streamlined variables in a timely manner. The CDC should immediately end its collection of data on gender identity, which legitimizes the unscientific notion that men can become women (and vice versa) and encourages the phenomenon of ever-multiplying subjective identities. FOOD AND DRUG ADMINISTRATION (FDA) The FDA’s mission includes ensuring the safety and efficacy of drugs, biological products, and medical devices. Federal Laws That Shield Big Pharma from Competition. Because generics generally cost far less than brand-name drugs, consumers begin to save money as soon as a generic product comes on the market. The vast majority are very afford- able with 93 percent of generic products costing $20 or less. Savings would be even higher under proposals that prevent brand-name man- ufacturers from slowing down or impeding the entrance of generic products into the marketplace. Specifically, the FDA should prohibit pharmaceutical companies from purposely sitting on their legally available right to be the first to sell generic versions of their drugs. Additionally, Congress should create legal remedies for generic companies to obtain samples of brand-name products for their generic development efforts and should prohibit meritless “citizen petitions” submitted by manufacturers to delay approval of a generic competitor.10 Approval Process for Laboratory-Developed or Modified Medical Tests. Learning from the failed early COVID-19 testing experience, Congress and the FDA should focus on reforming laws and regulations governing medical tests, especially with respect to laboratory-developed tests. Commercial tests are developed with the intention of being widely marketed, distributed, and used, while laboratory-developed tests are created with the intention of being used solely within one laboratory. A test developed by a lab in accordance with the protocols developed by another lab (non-commercial sharing) currently constitutes a “new” laboratory-developed test because the lab in which it will be used is different from the initial developing lab. To encourage interlab- oratory collaboration and discourage duplicative test creation (and associated regulatory and logistical burdens), the FDA should introduce mechanisms through which laboratory-developed tests can easily be shared with other laboratories with- out the current regulatory burdens.11 — 457 — Department of Health and Human Services The “laboratory-developed tests” category currently encompasses a range of possible tests, many of which would be characterized more appropriately as “lab- oratory-modified tests” because they are not truly novel tests but rather modified versions of existing tests. To avoid stifling innovation and access to medical care, the applicable statutes and regulations should be revised to facilitate greater access to such modified tests.12 Finally, the FDA has long held that it has regulatory authority over such tests, while others have argued that they should be considered clinical services regulated by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS). The FDA currently has regulatory authority over in vitro diagnostics, and under the Clinical Lab- oratory Improvement Amendments (CLIA),13 the CMS ensures that labs meet analytical validity standards for test methods. Congress, the FDA, and the CMS need to clarify and disentangle overlapping authorities over tests to eliminate regulatory confusion.14 Drug Shortages. The very thin profit margins and the regulatory burdens associated with generic drug manufacturing discourage inventory and capacity investments by manufacturers and contribute to drug shortages. HHS and the FDA should encourage more dependable generic drug manufacturing. The FDA should expand its current pass/fail approach to drug facility inspec- tions into a graded system that recognizes manufacturers that exceed minimum standards by investing in improving production reliability. The FDA should also add facility codes to drug packaging and construct a searchable database that cross-references product codes and facility codes. That would enable wholesalers and pharmacy benefit managers to identify and preference drugs manufactured at more reliable facilities, thus encouraging generic drug manufacturers to compete on reliability as well as on price. For its part, HHS should exempt multi-source generic drugs from requirements to pay rebates to Medicaid and other federally funded health programs, as those provisions penalize new investments in expanding manufacturing capacity when supply is unable to meet demand.15 Additionally, FDA and NIH should promote efficacy trials of new applications for generic drugs, which might include NIH fund- ing such trials or conducting its own. Abortion Pills. Abortion pills pose the single greatest threat to unborn chil- dren in a post-Roe world. The rate of chemical abortion in the U.S. has increased by more than 150 percent in the past decade; more than half of annual abortions in the U.S. are chemical rather than surgical. The abortion pill regimen is typically a two-part process. The first pill, mifepris- tone, causes the death of the unborn child by cutting off the hormone progesterone, which is required to sustain a pregnancy. The second pill, misoprostol, causes con- tractions to induce a delivery of the dead child and uterine contents, usually into a toilet at home. The abortion-pill regimen is currently approved for up to 70 days
AI Analysis:
"The bill targets anticompetitive 'pay-for-delay' agreements to boost pharmaceutical competition, which aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on increased antitrust enforcement and market openness to strengthen supply chain resilience and lower costs."
— 807 — Trade Supply Chain Lessons from the Baby Formula Debacle. Protectionism builds weaknesses into supply chains. This was demonstrated vividly by the baby formula shortage, which may have peaked in 2022 but remains an ongoing concern. Domestic baby formula producers benefit from a decades-old tariff that averages 17 percent, which is effectively high enough to shut imports out of the market. As if tariffs were not enough, other requirements also help to keep competition out of the market: ever-evolving labeling requirements and nutritional standards that (conveniently for domestic manufacturers) are always just slightly different from international standards. As a result, before the formula shortage in 2022, approx- imately 98 percent of the country’s baby formula was produced domestically. With foreign competition out of the way, other government policies helped to concentrate almost the entire domestic formula industry into four firms. Roughly 40 percent of baby formula purchases are made by state-level food assistance pro- grams, which typically do not let families choose their own formula brands. Instead they must buy from a single producer, which guarantees producers large market shares in states where they win contracts. This situation gives incumbent pro- ducers a cozy existence but puts consumers at risk. Like all protectionist policies, the benefits are concentrated in the hands of a few producers while the costs and risks are widely distributed. With so many eggs in so few baskets, whenever something goes wrong—which is inevitable even when nobody is at fault—families find themselves scrambling. That happened early in 2022 when contamination entered a Michigan facility that makes about 40 percent of America’s baby formula. Trade protectionism all but eliminated other options for many parents, who suddenly found empty shelves and sky-high prices for an essential item that many of them were already struggling to afford—while families in other countries were unaffected. In response, Congress passed the Formula Act68 in the summer of 2022. The act eased formula tariffs and loosened never-needed labeling requirements and other import restrictions, but it was temporary. It expired at the end of 2022, leaving families still vulnerable to the cascading consequences that ensue if one thing goes wrong at only one plant. The baby formula debacle has two lessons for the next Administration. l The Administration needs to attack the root of the problem. Temporary fix-it bills are better than nothing, but they leave the rot in place. The President needs to encourage bold liberalization. l Strength comes from openness. In the real world, markets fail. Factories will get contaminated, and health inspectors will not always be as thorough as they should be. The baby formula market is essentially a natural experiment in self-sufficient industrial policy. When something went wrong, that single — 808 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise failure point crashed the whole system. It should not be that way, and the next President can change it. Part of the problem is that the supply chain analogy itself causes sloppy thinking. In a chain, a link is connected only to the link ahead of it and the link behind it and not to any other links. Real-world supply chains are more like networks in which each point connects directly to countless others and is rarely more than six degrees of separation from nearly anywhere on Earth. Because market failures happen all the time, it is important to have as many connections as possible. Americans need access to more ways to adapt and reroute around failure points, especially for essential products like baby formula. Trade protectionism makes us more vulnerable, but free trade makes our fam- ilies and communities more resilient. Loosening restrictions similar to the ones that stunt the baby formula market would make it easier to navigate future crises while preventing the progressive and rent-seeking power grabs that come with every crisis, whether it is as isolated as a baby formula shortage or as expansive as a pandemic. Mutual Recognition. A simple way to reduce friction in supply networks is mutual recognition of other industrialized countries’ regulatory standards. This can be done either in a larger trade agreement or independently. For baby for- mula, this would mean allowing in brands that meet European Union standards even if they do not meet Food and Drug Administration (FDA) labeling require- ments. Infants’ nutritional needs do not change across borders. If a formula is deemed healthy for European babies, then it is also healthy for American babies. The reverse is equally true. Mutual recognition could help to open new markets for American producers in countless industries and give American consumers access to countless new prod- ucts on more competitive terms. For example, U.S. regulations require washing machine power cords to be at least six feet long, while the U.K. requires them to be at least two meters.69 The difference (about six inches) affects neither safety nor performance, but it does keep American-made washing machines out of an import- ant foreign market. A mutual recognition policy would circumvent the problem. Given the recent interest in increased antitrust enforcement, conservatives should embrace policies like mutual recognition that have the double benefit of increasing market competition while decreasing government’s regulatory footprint. The U.S. should enact mutual recognition agreements for a wide variety goods with the United Kingdom, European Union, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and other governments with high standards comparable to our own. This would have especially large benefits for pharmaceuticals, because America’s FDA drug approval process is both slower and more expensive than those of other countries with- out being any safer. Americans would gain access to more and lower-cost medical
AI Analysis:
"Both the bill and the Project 2025 section aim to increase market competition and reduce anti‑competitive barriers, but the bill focuses on pharmaceutical pay‑for‑delay agreements while Project 2025 addresses USDA marketing orders, checkoff programs, and trade promotion; the overlap is limited to general competition principles."
— 306 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise programs,104 and they focus on research and promotion of commodities such as beef and eggs. Marketing orders cover research and promotion, but also cover issues such as quality regulations and volume controls. The latter issue, volume controls, is a means to restrict supply, which drives up prices for consumers. Fortunately, there are few active volume controls.105 Marketing orders and checkoff programs are some of the most egregious pro- grams run by the USDA. They are, in effect, a tax—a means to compel speech—and government-blessed cartels. Instead of getting private cooperation, they are tools for industry actors to work with government to force cooperation. The next Administration should: l Reduce the number and scope of marketing orders and checkoff programs. The USDA should reject any new requests for marketing orders and checkoff programs to the extent authorized by law and eliminate existing programs when possible. While the programs work differently, there are often petition processes and other ways that make it difficult for affected parties to get rid of the marketing orders and checkoff programs,106 and the USDA itself may not even be required to honor requests to terminate a program.107 The USDA should make the process easier. Further, the USDA should reject any effort to bring back volume controls to limit supplies of commodities. l Work with Congress to eliminate marketing orders and checkoff programs. These programs should be eliminated, and if industry actors want to collaborate, they should do so through private means, not using the government to compel cooperation. l Promote legislation that would require regular votes. There should be regular voting for parties subject to checkoff programs and marketing orders. For example, the voting should occur at least every five years, to determine whether a marketing order or checkoff program should continue. The USDA should be required to honor the results of such a vote. Through regular voting, parties can demonstrate their support for a marketing order or checkoff program and ensure that those administering them will be held accountable. Focus on Trade Policy, Not Trade Promotion. The USDA’s Foreign Agri- cultural Service (FAS) covers numerous issues, including “trade policy,” which is a reference to removing trade barriers, among other things, to ensure an envi- ronment conducive to trade.108 It also covers trade promotion.109 This includes programs like the Market Access Program110 that subsidizes trade associations, — 307 — Department of Agriculture businesses, and other private entities to market and promote their products overseas. FAS should play a proactive and leading role to help open upmarkets for American farmers and ranchers. There are numerous barriers, such as sani- tary and phytosanitary measures, blocking American agricultural products from gaining access to foreign markets.111 However, FAS should not help businesses and industries promote their exports, something these businesses and industries can and should do on their own. The next Administration should: l Push legislation to repeal export promotion programs. The USDA should work with Congress to repeal market development programs like the Market Access Program and similar programs. Remove Obstacles for Agricultural Biotechnology. Innovation is critical to agricultural production and the ability to meet future food needs. The next Admin- istration should embrace innovation and technology, not hinder its use—especially because of scare tactics that ignore sound science. One of the key innovations in agriculture is genetic engineering. According to the USDA, “[C]urrently, over 90 percent of U.S. corn, upland cotton, and soybeans are produced using GE [genet- ically engineered] varieties.”112 Despite the importance of agricultural biotechnology, in 2016, Congress passed a federal mandate to label genetically engineered food.113 This legislation was argu- ably just a means to try to provide a negative connotation to GE food. There are other challenges as well for agricultural biotechnology. For example, Mexico plans to ban the importation of U.S. genetically modified yellow corn.114 The next Administration should: l Counter scare tactics and remove obstacles. The USDA should strongly counter scare tactics regarding agricultural biotechnology and adopt policies to remove unnecessary barriers to approvals and the adoption of biotechnology. l Repeal the federal labeling mandate. The USDA should work with Congress to repeal the federal labeling law, while maintaining federal preemption, and stress that voluntary labeling is allowed. l Use all tools available to remove improper trade barriers against agricultural biotechnology. The USDA should work closely with the Office of the United States Trade Representative to remove improper barriers imposed by other countries to block U.S. agricultural goods.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.