Fixing the daily hour of meeting of the First Session of the One Hundred Nineteenth Congress.

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Bill ID: 119/hres/6
Last Updated: January 9, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

ID: F000470

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

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Latest Action

Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.

January 3, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

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Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

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Became Law

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1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another thrilling installment of "Congressional Theater" brought to you by the esteemed members of the 119th Congress. And what a doozy we have here – a bill that will shake the very foundations of our democracy... or not.

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** Oh, wow, I can barely contain my excitement. The main purpose of this earth-shattering legislation is to... wait for it... change the daily meeting time of the House of Representatives! That's right, folks; after centuries of deliberation, our fearless leaders have finally decided that 2 p.m. on Mondays and noon on Tuesdays (unless they didn't do anything on Monday, because priorities) is the key to unlocking a more efficient and effective government.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** I'll try to contain my sarcasm here, but it's hard when faced with such monumental changes. The bill proposes to alter the daily meeting schedule of the House, because clearly, this is the most pressing issue facing our nation. No existing laws are being repealed or significantly altered; just a minor tweak to the congressional calendar that will undoubtedly revolutionize the way our representatives represent us.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** Oh, the list of affected parties is long and distinguished: members of Congress who might have to adjust their lunch schedules, lobbyists who'll need to recalibrate their schmoozing strategies, and perhaps a few dozen congressional staffers who'll have to update their Outlook calendars. The American people? Ha! Don't be ridiculous; they're not stakeholders in this farce.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** I'm going to go out on a limb here and predict that the impact of this bill will be... negligible. Zilch. Zero. Zip. It's a cosmetic change designed to make our representatives look like they're doing something, anything, to justify their existence. The real implications? A slight increase in coffee consumption during morning meetings and possibly a few more opportunities for grandstanding on C-SPAN.

Diagnosis: This bill is a classic case of "Legislative ADHD" – a desperate attempt to appear productive while avoiding any actual substance or meaningful reform. It's a symptom of a larger disease: the chronic inability of our elected officials to address real problems, instead opting for trivialities that make them look busy. Treatment? A healthy dose of skepticism and ridicule, followed by a strong prescription of "Get Your Act Together."

Related Topics

Civil Rights & Liberties Transportation & Infrastructure National Security & Intelligence Congressional Rules & Procedures Criminal Justice & Law Enforcement Small Business & Entrepreneurship State & Local Government Affairs Government Operations & Accountability Federal Budget & Appropriations
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💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$86,555
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$13,950
Committees
$0
Individuals
$72,605

No PAC contributions found

1
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
3 transactions
$4,950
2
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$2,500
3
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
2 transactions
$2,500
4
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
2 transactions
$2,000
5
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000
6
SALT RIVER PIMA MARICOPA INDIAN COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
CASTLE, JOHN K
2 transactions
$9,900
2
KING, RUSSELL S.
2 transactions
$9,900
3
KING, ANDREA S.
2 transactions
$6,600
4
ARVIG, ALLEN R
1 transaction
$3,305
5
MCGOUGH, THOMAS J
1 transaction
$3,300
6
WILF, LEONARD A.
1 transaction
$3,300
7
FAGEN, DIANE
1 transaction
$3,300
8
FAGEN, RONALD
1 transaction
$3,300
9
SCHEEL, STEVE DOUGLAS
1 transaction
$3,300
10
SCHWARTZ, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300
11
BECKER, TODD A.
1 transaction
$3,300
12
WILLIS, THOMAS M.
1 transaction
$3,300
13
FRANDSEN, DENNIS
1 transaction
$3,300
14
BARTLETT, COREY
1 transaction
$3,300
15
MARQUIS, DARRELL
1 transaction
$3,300
16
WALKER, KENT
1 transaction
$3,300
17
BROIN, JEFF
1 transaction
$3,300

Donor Network - Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

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Organizations
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Showing 24 nodes and 30 connections

Total contributions: $86,555

Top Donors - Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

6 Orgs17 Individuals

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.

Introduction

Low 53.3%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

Introduction

Low 53.3%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

Introduction

Low 52.2%
Pages: 14-16

— xiii — The 2025 Presidential Transition Project A NOTE ON “PROJECT 2025” We want you! The 2025 Presidential Transition Project is the conservative m ovement’s unified effort to be ready for the next conservative Ad ministration to govern at 12:00 noon, January 20, 2025. Welcome to the mission. By opening this book, you are now a part of it. Indeed, one set of eyes reading these passages will be those of the 47th President of the United States, and we hope every other reader will join in making the incoming Admin- istration a success. History teaches that a President’s power to implement an agenda is at its apex during the Administration’s opening days. To execute requires a well-conceived, coordinated, unified plan and a trained and committed cadre of personnel to implement it. In recent election cycles, presidential candidates normally began transition planning in the late spring of election year or even after the party’s nomination was secured. That is too late. The federal government’s complexity and growth advance at a seemingly logarithmic rate every four years. For conservatives to have a fighting chance to take on the Adminis- trative State and reform our federal government, the work must start now. The entirety of this effort is to support the next conservative President, whoever he or she may be. In the winter of 1980, the fledging Heritage Foundation handed to President-elect Ronald Reagan the inaugural Mandate for Leadership. This collective work by conser- vative thought leaders and former government hands—most of whom were not part of Heritage—set out policy prescriptions, agency by agency for the incoming President. The book literally put the conservative movement and Reagan on the same page, and the revolution that followed might never have been, save for this band of committed and volunteer activists. With this volume, we have gone back to the future—and then some.

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.