Adopting the Rules of the House of Representatives for the One Hundred Nineteenth Congress, and for other purposes.

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Bill ID: 119/hres/5
Last Updated: January 24, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

ID: F000470

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.

January 3, 2025

Introduced

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.

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Committee Review

🗳️

Floor Action

âś…

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another thrilling episode of "Congressional Kabuki Theater"! Let's dissect this regulatory bill, shall we?

**Diagnosis:** This bill is a classic case of "Legislative Lipstick on a Pig." It's a mess of minor tweaks, technical corrections, and cleverly worded obfuscations designed to maintain the status quo while pretending to be reform.

**New Regulations:**

* Electronic voting in committees (because who needs transparency or accountability?) * Changes to the standing rules regarding the Office of Speaker, committee procedures, and bill numbering (yawn) * Codification of long-standing separate orders (read: more bureaucratic red tape)

**Affected Industries and Sectors:** None. This is an internal Congressional housekeeping bill, folks! It's all about maintaining the power dynamics within the House of Representatives.

**Compliance Requirements and Timelines:** Ha! There are no significant compliance requirements or timelines to speak of. Just a bunch of minor adjustments to existing rules and procedures.

**Enforcement Mechanisms and Penalties:** Don't make me laugh. This bill is all about consolidating power, not actually enforcing anything meaningful. The "penalties" for non-compliance will likely be limited to sternly worded letters or, at worst, a slap on the wrist.

**Economic and Operational Impacts:** Zilch. Zero. Zip. This bill won't move the needle on the economy or operational efficiency. It's just a bunch of Congressional navel-gazing.

Now, let's get to the real diagnosis:

This bill is a symptom of a deeper disease: Congressional inertia and self-preservation. Our esteemed lawmakers are more concerned with maintaining their own power structures than actually addressing pressing issues like economic inequality, climate change, or healthcare reform.

The sponsors of this bill (and I use that term loosely) are either incompetent or complicit in perpetuating the status quo. The lobbyists who likely had a hand in shaping this bill are laughing all the way to the bank, knowing they've successfully watered down any meaningful reforms.

And the voters? Well, they're just pawns in this game of Congressional chess. They'll be fed a steady diet of spin and misinformation, convinced that their elected representatives are actually doing something productive.

In conclusion, HRES 5 is a masterclass in legislative obfuscation, designed to maintain the power dynamics within Congress while pretending to be reform-minded. It's a bill that says, "We're doing something!" while actually accomplishing nothing. Bravo, Congress!

Related Topics

Criminal Justice & Law Enforcement Congressional Rules & Procedures State & Local Government Affairs Transportation & Infrastructure Small Business & Entrepreneurship National Security & Intelligence Federal Budget & Appropriations Government Operations & Accountability Civil Rights & Liberties
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đź’° Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$86,555
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$13,950
Committees
$0
Individuals
$72,605

No PAC contributions found

1
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
3 transactions
$4,950
2
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$2,500
3
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
2 transactions
$2,500
4
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
2 transactions
$2,000
5
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,000
6
SALT RIVER PIMA MARICOPA INDIAN COMMUNITY
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
CASTLE, JOHN K
2 transactions
$9,900
2
KING, RUSSELL S.
2 transactions
$9,900
3
KING, ANDREA S.
2 transactions
$6,600
4
ARVIG, ALLEN R
1 transaction
$3,305
5
MCGOUGH, THOMAS J
1 transaction
$3,300
6
WILF, LEONARD A.
1 transaction
$3,300
7
FAGEN, DIANE
1 transaction
$3,300
8
FAGEN, RONALD
1 transaction
$3,300
9
SCHEEL, STEVE DOUGLAS
1 transaction
$3,300
10
SCHWARTZ, JOHN
1 transaction
$3,300
11
BECKER, TODD A.
1 transaction
$3,300
12
WILLIS, THOMAS M.
1 transaction
$3,300
13
FRANDSEN, DENNIS
1 transaction
$3,300
14
BARTLETT, COREY
1 transaction
$3,300
15
MARQUIS, DARRELL
1 transaction
$3,300
16
WALKER, KENT
1 transaction
$3,300
17
BROIN, JEFF
1 transaction
$3,300

Donor Network - Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 24 nodes and 30 connections

Total contributions: $86,555

Top Donors - Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

6 Orgs17 Individuals

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.

Introduction

Low 56.6%
Pages: 898-900

— 865 — Federal Election Commission l As a legislative matter and given this abuse, the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agency’s independent litigating authority and rely on the Department of Justice to handle all litigation involving the FEC. There are also multiple instances of existing statutory provisions of FECA and the accompanying FEC regulations having been found unlawful or unconstitu- tional by federal court decisions, yet those statutory provisions remain in the U.S. Code and the implementing regulations remain in the Code of Federal Regula- tions.12 In such instances, those regulated by the law, from candidates to the public, have no way of knowing (without engaging in extensive legal research) whether particular statutory provisions and regulations are still applicable to their actions in the political arena. l The President should request that the commissioners on the FEC prepare such guidance. l In the event that the FEC fails to act, the President should direct the attorney general to prepare a guidance document from the Department of Justice for the public that outlines all of the FECA statutory provisions and FEC regulations that have been changed, amended, or voided by specific court decisions. Legislative Changes. While a President’s ability to make any changes at an independent agency like the FEC is limited,13 the President has the ability to make legislative recommendations to Congress. One of the most obvious changes that is needed is to end the current practice of allowing commissioners to remain as serving commissioners long after their term has expired, defying the clear intent of Congress in specifying that a commissioner can only serve a single term of six years. l The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms and should be assisted by legislative language either eliminating or limiting overstays to a reasonable period of time to permit the vetting, nomination, and confirmation of successors. l The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the “For the People Act of 2021,”14 to change the structure of the FEC to reduce the number of commissioners from six to five or another odd number. The current requirement of four votes to authorize an enforcement action, provide

Introduction

Low 56.6%
Pages: 898-900

— 865 — Federal Election Commission l As a legislative matter and given this abuse, the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agency’s independent litigating authority and rely on the Department of Justice to handle all litigation involving the FEC. There are also multiple instances of existing statutory provisions of FECA and the accompanying FEC regulations having been found unlawful or unconstitu- tional by federal court decisions, yet those statutory provisions remain in the U.S. Code and the implementing regulations remain in the Code of Federal Regula- tions.12 In such instances, those regulated by the law, from candidates to the public, have no way of knowing (without engaging in extensive legal research) whether particular statutory provisions and regulations are still applicable to their actions in the political arena. l The President should request that the commissioners on the FEC prepare such guidance. l In the event that the FEC fails to act, the President should direct the attorney general to prepare a guidance document from the Department of Justice for the public that outlines all of the FECA statutory provisions and FEC regulations that have been changed, amended, or voided by specific court decisions. Legislative Changes. While a President’s ability to make any changes at an independent agency like the FEC is limited,13 the President has the ability to make legislative recommendations to Congress. One of the most obvious changes that is needed is to end the current practice of allowing commissioners to remain as serving commissioners long after their term has expired, defying the clear intent of Congress in specifying that a commissioner can only serve a single term of six years. l The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms and should be assisted by legislative language either eliminating or limiting overstays to a reasonable period of time to permit the vetting, nomination, and confirmation of successors. l The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the “For the People Act of 2021,”14 to change the structure of the FEC to reduce the number of commissioners from six to five or another odd number. The current requirement of four votes to authorize an enforcement action, provide — 866 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise an advisory opinion, or issue regulations, ensures that there is bipartisan agreement before any action is taken and protects against the FEC being used as a political weapon. With only five commissioners, three members of the same political party could control the enforcement process of the agency, raising the potential of a powerful federal agency enforcing the law on a partisan basis against the members of the opposition political party. Efforts to impose a “nonpartisan” or so-called “inde- pendent” chair are impractical; the chair will inevitably be aligned with his or her appointing party, at least as a matter of perception. There are numerous other changes that should be considered in FECA and the FEC’s regulations. The overly restrictive limits on the ability of party com- mittees to coordinate with their candidates, for example, violates associational rights and unjustifiably interferes with the very purpose of political parties: to elect their candidates. l Raise contribution limits and index reporting requirements to inflation. Contribution limits should generally be much higher, as they hamstring candidates and parties while serving no practical anticorruption purpose. And a wide range of reporting requirements have not been indexed to inflation, clogging the public record and the FEC’s internal processes with small-dollar information of little use to the public. CONCLUSION When taking any action related to the FEC, the President should keep in mind that, as former FEC Chairman Bradley Smith says, the “greater problem at the FEC has been overenforcement,” not underenforcement as some critics falsely allege.15 As he correctly concludes, the FEC’s enforcement efforts “place a substan- tial burden on small committees and campaigns, and are having a chilling effect on some political speech…squeezing the life out of low level, volunteer politi- cal activity.”16 Commissioners have a duty to enforce FECA in a fair, nonpartisan, objective manner. But they must do so in a way that protects the First Amendment rights of the public, political parties, and candidates to fully participate in the political process. The President has the same duty to ensure that the Department of Justice enforces the law in a similar manner.

Introduction

Low 54.6%
Pages: 566-568

— 533 — Department of the Interior order to fulfill the yet-unaltered congressional mandate contained in federal law, to provide for jobs and well-paying employment opportunities in rural Oregon, and to ameliorate the effects of wildfires, the new Administration must immedi- ately fulfill its responsibilities and manage the O&C lands for “permanent forest production” to ensure that the timber is “sold, cut, and removed.”79 NEPA Reforms. Congress never intended for the National Environmental Policy Act to grow into the tree-killing, project-dooming, decade-spanning mon- strosity that it has become. Instead, in 1970, Congress intended a short, succinct, timely presentation of information regarding major federal action that signifi- cantly affects the quality of the human environment so that decisionmakers can make informed decisions to benefit the American people. The Trump Administration adopted common-sense NEPA reform that must be restored immediately. Meanwhile, DOI should reinstate the secretarial orders adopted by the Trump Administration, such as placing time and page limits on NEPA documents and setting forth—on page one—the costs of the document itself. Meanwhile, the new Administration should call upon Congress to reform NEPA to meet its original goal. Consideration should be given, for example, to eliminat- ing judicial review of the adequacy of NEPA documents or the rectitude of NEPA decisions. This would allow Congress to engage in effective oversight of federal agencies when prudent. Settlement Transparency. Interior Secretary David Bernhardt required DOI to prominently display and provide open access to any and all litigation settlements into which DOI or its agencies entered, and any attorneys’ fees paid for ending the litigation.80 Biden’s DOI, aware that the settlements into which it planned to enter and the attorneys’ fees it was likely to pay would cause controversy, ended this policy.81 A new Administration should reinstate it. The Endangered Species Act. The Endangered Species Act was intended to bring endangered and threatened species back from the brink of extinction and, when appropriate, to restore real habitat critical to the survival of the spe- cies. The act’s success rate, however, is dismal. Its greatest deficiency, according to one renowned expert, is “conflict of interest.”82 Specifically, the work of the Fish and Wildlife Service is the product of “species cartels” afflicted with group- think, confirmation bias, and a common desire to preserve the prestige, power, and appropriations of the agency that pays or employs them. For example, in one highly influential sage-grouse monograph, 41 percent of the authors were federal workers. The editor, a federal bureaucrat, had authored one-third of the paper.83 Meaningful reform of the Endangered Species Act requires that Congress take action to restore its original purpose and end its use to seize private prop- erty, prevent economic development, and interfere with the rights of states over their wildlife populations. In the meantime, a new Administration should take the following immediate action:

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.