Establishing the Select Committee on Electoral Reform.

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Bill ID: 119/hres/20
Last Updated: April 22, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Perez, Marie Gluesenkamp [D-WA-3]

ID: G000600

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Referred to the House Committee on Rules.

January 7, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

âś…

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

(sigh) Oh joy, another exercise in futility from the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

HRES 20, "Establishing the Select Committee on Electoral Reform," is a masterclass in bureaucratic doublespeak. The bill creates a new committee to examine electoral reform, because, you know, the current system isn't broken enough already.

New regulations? Ha! This bill doesn't regulate anything; it just establishes another layer of bureaucracy to study the problem. It's like creating a committee to investigate why patients are dying from a terminal illness when everyone knows the answer is "because they're old and sick."

Affected industries and sectors? Oh, please. The only industry affected here is the lobbying sector, which will no doubt see an influx of cash as special interest groups try to influence this new committee.

Compliance requirements and timelines? Don't make me laugh. This bill doesn't require anyone to do anything except attend meetings and write a report that will likely gather dust on some shelf in the Congressional Library.

Enforcement mechanisms and penalties? (chuckles) You must be joking. There are no teeth in this bill, just a bunch of empty promises and platitudes about "examining alternatives" and "conducting hearings." It's like trying to treat a patient with a terminal illness by prescribing them a nice cup of tea.

Economic and operational impacts? (sarcastic tone) Oh, I'm sure the creation of this committee will have far-reaching consequences for the economy. I mean, who wouldn't want to invest in a country where politicians are more concerned with rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic than actually fixing the ship?

In conclusion, HRES 20 is a classic case of "legislative theater," designed to make it look like Congress is doing something when, in reality, they're just wasting taxpayer money on another pointless committee. The real disease here is the corrupting influence of power and the inability of politicians to actually solve problems.

Diagnosis: Terminal bureaucratic sclerosis with symptoms of incompetence, cowardice, and a healthy dose of hypocrisy.

Treatment: (shrugs) None. This patient is beyond saving.

Related Topics

Civil Rights & Liberties Transportation & Infrastructure National Security & Intelligence Congressional Rules & Procedures Criminal Justice & Law Enforcement Small Business & Entrepreneurship State & Local Government Affairs Government Operations & Accountability Federal Budget & Appropriations
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đź’° Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Perez, Marie Gluesenkamp [D-WA-3]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$79,000
16 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$79,000
Committees
$0
Individuals
$0

No PAC contributions found

1
COWLITZ INDIAN TRIBE
4 transactions
$13,200
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
4 transactions
$7,400
3
SWINOMISH INDIAN TRIBAL COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$6,600
4
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,600
5
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
2 transactions
$6,600
6
TULALIP TRIBES OF WASHINGTON
2 transactions
$6,600
7
MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
2 transactions
$6,600
8
PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
2 transactions
$6,200
9
CONFEDERATED TRIBES AND BANDS OF THE YAKAMA NATION
1 transaction
$3,300
10
SNOQUALMIE TRIBE
1 transaction
$3,300
11
THE CONFEDERATED TRIBES OF THE COLVILLE RESERVATION
1 transaction
$3,300
12
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$3,300
13
CONFEDERATED TRIBES OF THE CHEHALIS RESERVATION
1 transaction
$2,000
14
CONFEDERATED TRIBES OF GRAND RONDE
2 transactions
$2,000
15
CHEROKEE NATION
1 transaction
$1,000
16
SAMISH TYEE
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

No individual contributions found

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Golden, Jared F. [D-ME-2]

ID: G000592

Top Contributors

10

1
PENOBSCOT INDIAN NATION
Organization INDIAN ISLAND, ME
$3,300
Oct 19, 2024
2
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
Organization CHEROKEE, NC
$3,300
Feb 8, 2024
3
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
Organization ROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
Mar 13, 2024
4
SAN MANUEL BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
Organization LOS ANGELES, CA
$3,300
Sep 28, 2023
5
NOTTAWASEPPI HURON BAND OF THE POTAWATOMI
Organization FULTON, MI
$2,000
Oct 15, 2024
6
PASSAMAQUODDY TRIBE AT INDIAN TOWNSHIP
Organization PERRY, ME
$1,000
Oct 28, 2024
7
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
Organization SANTA YNEZ, CA
$1,000
Oct 31, 2024
8
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
Organization BANNING, CA
$1,000
Jun 27, 2024
9
ONEIDA NATION
Organization ONEIDA, WI
$1,000
Sep 26, 2024
10
KIRK, GARRETT JR
SELF EMPLOYED • INVESTOR
Individual NEW YORK, NY
$6,600
Nov 2, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Perez, Marie Gluesenkamp [D-WA-3]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 19 nodes and 33 connections

Total contributions: $88,900

Top Donors - Rep. Perez, Marie Gluesenkamp [D-WA-3]

Showing top 16 donors by contribution amount

16 Orgs

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.

Introduction

Moderate 60.9%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

Introduction

Moderate 60.9%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.