DHS Restrictions on Confucius Institutes and Chinese Entities of Concern Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/881
Last Updated: July 18, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Pfluger, August [R-TX-11]

ID: P000048

Follow the money

The bill

DHS Restrictions on Confucius Institutes and Chinese Entities of Concern Act

HR. 881, 119th Congress — read as touching For-Profit Education & Student Loans.

The sponsor

Rep. Pfluger, August [R-TX-11]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$101,135 raised

23 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

62% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 736-738 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs.

May 7, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

HR 881, the "DHS Restrictions on Confucius Institutes and Chinese Entities of Concern Act," is a bill that claims to address national security concerns related to China's influence on American institutions of higher education. But don't be fooled – this is just a thinly veiled attempt to grandstand on China-bashing while lining the pockets of favored special interests.

The total funding amount for this bill? A whopping $0. Yes, you read that right. This bill doesn't actually allocate any funds; it's all about restrictions and waivers. But don't worry, I'm sure the politicians will find ways to "accidentally" funnel money to their cronies through other means.

Key programs and agencies receiving funds? Ha! There aren't any. This bill is all about posturing and pretending to care about national security while actually doing nothing concrete.

Notable increases or decreases from previous years? Well, since this bill doesn't allocate any funds, it's hard to say. But I'm sure the politicians will find ways to spin this as a "tough on China" move, even though it's just empty rhetoric.

Riders and policy provisions attached to funding? Oh boy, there are plenty. The most notable one is the waiver provision in Section 2(c), which allows the Secretary of Homeland Security to exempt institutions from these restrictions if they meet certain conditions. Guess who gets to decide what those conditions are? That's right – the same politicians who wrote this bill.

Fiscal impact and deficit implications? Since this bill doesn't allocate any funds, it won't have a direct fiscal impact. But let's be real, folks – this is just a drop in the ocean of wasteful government spending. The real cost will come from the bureaucratic overhead and administrative burdens imposed on institutions of higher education.

In conclusion, HR 881 is a classic case of legislative malpractice. It's a bill that pretends to address a pressing national security concern while actually doing nothing but providing cover for politicians to grandstand and line their pockets. The real disease here is not China's influence on American academia, but the corruption, cowardice, and stupidity that pervades our political system.

Diagnosis: Terminal case of legislative theater-itis, with symptoms including empty rhetoric, bureaucratic waste, and a complete disregard for fiscal responsibility. Prognosis: Poor. Treatment: A healthy dose of skepticism and a strong stomach for the absurdity of it all.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Pfluger, August [R-TX-11]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$101,135
16 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$7,600
Committees
$0
Individuals
$93,535

No PAC contributions found

1
SYCUAN BAND OF THE KUMEYAAY NATION
2 transactions
$6,600
2
ALABAMA-COUSHATTA TRIBE
1 transaction
$1,000

No committee contributions found

1
WILSON, CELIA R
4 transactions
$22,400
2
PUDWILL, JAMES
2 transactions
$13,200
3
GELBMAN, JOEL
2 transactions
$13,200
4
DIMEMMO, COLETTE
1 transaction
$6,600
5
AUSTIN, RUTH
2 transactions
$6,600
6
WILSON, WORD B
1 transaction
$5,000
7
O'BRIEN, JAMES
1 transaction
$3,435
8
WIDENER, BROCK
1 transaction
$3,300
9
POOL, VALRIE S
1 transaction
$3,300
10
KAMON, KENNETH
1 transaction
$3,300
11
ZALIK, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300
12
JENNINGS, MICHAEL
1 transaction
$3,300
13
WALKER, TODD
1 transaction
$3,300
14
HIDUKE, MARK
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 5 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Garbarino, Andrew R. [R-NY-2]

ID: G000597

Top Contributors

10

1
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
OrganizationPEARL, MS
$1,000
Nov 5, 2024
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$1,000
Jun 20, 2023
3
DUIT, JAMES
CONCEPTION LLCPARTNER
IndividualEDMOND, OK
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
4
DUIT, PAMELA
CONCEPTION LLCPARTNER
IndividualEDMOND, OK
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
5
ROCKEFELLER, LISENNE
WINROCK ENTPRESIDENT
IndividualLITTLE ROCK, AR
$3,300
Oct 29, 2024
6
RICKETTS, MARLENE
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualOMAHA, NE
$3,300
Oct 24, 2024
7
LEACH, HOWARD
SELF EMPLOYEDPRIVATE INVESTOR
IndividualPALM BEACH, FL
$3,300
Oct 22, 2024
8
FEINSTEIN, LEONARD
BED BATH AND BEYONDCHAIRMAN
IndividualJERICHO, NY
$3,300
Oct 31, 2024
9
BANKE, BARBARA R.
JACKSON FAMILY WINESOWNER
IndividualGEYSERVILLE, CA
$3,300
Nov 15, 2023
10
SMITH, HOLLY
SHOOK HARDY BACON LLPATTORNEY
IndividualSAINT LOUIS, MO
$3,300
Dec 22, 2023

Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8]

ID: E000300

Top Contributors

10

1
WRIGHT, ELIZABETH
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualENGLEWOOD, CO
$6,600
Jun 29, 2024
2
WOODWARD, JOHN
SPIERER WOODWARDATTORNEY
IndividualGREENWOOD VILLAGE, CO
$6,600
Sep 19, 2023
3
BERGSTROM, ROBERT
BT CONSTRUCTIONCONSTRUCTION
IndividualFORT LUPTON, CO
$6,600
Oct 13, 2024
4
ERICKSON, GARY
EXECUTIVE CUSTOM CONSTRUCTIONGENERAL CONTRACTOR
IndividualCOLORADO SPRINGS, CO
$6,600
Oct 15, 2024
5
HASELDEN, BYRON
HASELDEN CONSTRUCTIONCEO
IndividualCENTENNIAL, CO
$6,600
Oct 14, 2024
6
HASELDEN, EDDIE
HASELDEN CONSTRUCTIONCHAIRMAN
IndividualCENTENNIAL, CO
$6,600
Oct 14, 2024
7
HASELDEN, MIKE
HASELDEN CONSTRUCTIONCO-CHAIRMAN
IndividualENGLEWOOD, CO
$6,600
Oct 14, 2024
8
WAGNER, BRUCE
WAGNER EQUIPMENTPRES
IndividualLITTLETON, CO
$5,000
Sep 20, 2024
9
DUKE, D. A.
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualENGLEWOOD, CO
$5,000
Oct 9, 2024
10
MCDONALD, BRUCE
MCDONALD INSURANCE GROUPOWNER
IndividualLITTLETON, CO
$3,868
Sep 30, 2024

Rep. Strong, Dale W. [R-AL-5]

ID: S001220

Top Contributors

10

1
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Aug 2, 2024
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
Jun 15, 2024
3
POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS
OrganizationATMORE, AL
$3,300
Aug 2, 2023
4
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$2,000
Jun 30, 2023
5
PECHANGA BAND OF INDIANS
OrganizationTEMECULA, CA
$1,000
Sep 29, 2023
6
JOHN PLUNK ATTORNEY PC
OrganizationATHENS, AL
$1,000
Nov 18, 2024
7
LEE, ARNOLD
SESIEXECUTIVE
IndividualSANTA ROSA BEACH, FL
$6,600
Sep 30, 2024
8
HINCHMAN, ROBERT
IGNITECEO
IndividualHUNTSVILLE, AL
$6,600
Feb 23, 2023
9
LIPTON, LEE
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualLAKE WORTH, FL
$5,000
Apr 19, 2023
10
BENTLEY, PHILIP W. III
BENTLEY BUICK GMC CADILLACPRESIDENT
IndividualHUNTSVILLE, AL
$5,000
Sep 7, 2023

Rep. Luttrell, Morgan [R-TX-8]

ID: L000603

Top Contributors

10

1
ALABAMA-COUSHATTA TRIBE
OrganizationWOODVILLE, TX
$3,300
Dec 21, 2023
2
TIGUA INDIAN RES.-YSLETA DEL SUR PUEBLO
OrganizationEL PASO, TX
$3,300
Jun 20, 2023
3
ALABAMA-COUSHATTA TRIBE
OrganizationWOODVILLE, TX
$3,300
Sep 27, 2024
4
TIGUA INDIAN RES.-YSLETA DEL SUR PUEBLO
OrganizationEL PASO, TX
$2,500
Sep 20, 2024
5
GRIFFIN, KENNETH
CITADEL LLCFOUNDER CEO
IndividualMIAMI BEACH, FL
$6,600
Apr 10, 2023
6
SINGER, PAUL
ELLIOTT INVESTMENT MANAGEMENTCO-CEO CO-CIO PRESIDENT
IndividualPALM BEACH, FL
$6,600
Apr 10, 2023
7
STEDMAN, STUART
STEDMAN WEST INTERESTS INC.INVESTOR/PRESIDENT
IndividualHOUSTON, TX
$6,600
Jun 22, 2023
8
FISHER, KENNETH
FISHER INVESTMENTSEXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN
IndividualPLANO, TX
$6,600
May 23, 2024
9
FISHER, SHERRILYN
PLANO 6500 LLCMEMBER
IndividualPLANO, TX
$6,600
May 23, 2024
10
ERICKSON, MARILYN
RETIREDRETIRED
IndividualPOWELL, TN
$6,600
Jul 6, 2024

Rep. Joyce, John [R-PA-13]

ID: J000302

Top Contributors

10

1
SPELL, JOE
TIDES MEDICALCEO
IndividualLAFAYETTE, LA
$3,500
Nov 4, 2024
2
SPELL, JOE
TIDES MEDICALCEO
IndividualLAFAYETTE, LA
$3,500
Nov 4, 2024
3
EDATTEL, PAUL
TODD STRATEGY GROUPCONSULTANT
IndividualFALLS CHURCH, VA
$3,300
Mar 28, 2024
4
KIMBELL, JEFFREY
SELF-EMPLOYEDHEALTH CARE CONSULTANT
IndividualPARK CITY, UT
$3,300
Feb 13, 2024
5
SHOAP, VICKI
IndividualLURGAN, PA
$3,300
Mar 26, 2024
6
WALKER, KENT
GOOGLE LLCPRESIDENT, GLOBAL AFFAIRS
IndividualMOUNTAIN VIEW, CA
$3,300
Mar 23, 2024
7
ALAM, MURAD
NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITYPHYSICIAN
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$3,300
Mar 7, 2023
8
EDATTEL, PAUL
TODD STRATEGY LLCCONSULTANT
IndividualFALLS CHURCH, VA
$3,300
Mar 31, 2023
9
KIMBELL, JEFFREY
SELF-EMPLOYEDHEALTH CARE CONSULTANT
IndividualPARK CITY, UT
$3,300
Feb 23, 2023
10
RAYDER, MARK
ALSTON BIRD, LLPSENIOR POLICY ADVISOR
IndividualALEXANDRIA, VA
$3,300
Mar 20, 2023

Donor Network - Rep. Pfluger, August [R-TX-11]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 56 nodes and 38 connections (54 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $156,335

Top Donors - Rep. Pfluger, August [R-TX-11]

Showing top 16 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs14 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 harmed.

  • Section 2(b) restricts institutions of higher education with relationships to Confucius Institutes or Chinese entities of concern from receiving Department of Homeland Security funds, which could impact for-profit education institutions.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate61.7%
Pages: 736-738

— 703 — Department of the Treasury l The U.S. should also examine increasing or decreasing its ownership levels in these institutions in order to achieve maximum leverage. CHINA AND OTHER GEOPOLITICAL THREATS Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. The interagency Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States should realign its priorities to meet the United States’ current foreign policy threats, especially from China. On October 20, 2022, the Treasury Department, which chairs CFIUS, adopted the first-ever CFIUS Enforcement and Penalty Guidelines50 on the committee’s national security risk mitigation requirements. However, there are no clear rules that guide CFIUS on mitigation monitoring, nor is there a published penalty sched- ule to standardize accountability when CFIUS pursues a civil money penalty for violators. In addition, Treasury—as chair of the committee—runs an opaque pro- cess that biases committee procedure toward corporate interests and away from national security interests. Finally, the committee’s jurisdiction does not extend over greenfield investments that Chinese state-owned enterprises have historically pursued in the United States, which leaves America vulnerable to an instrument of Chinese economic statecraft. Given these issues, the next steps for CFIUS should be to develop a more coherent—and transparent—mitigation monitoring program to complement the enforcement guidelines, give CFIUS agencies in charge of national security con- cerns an equal voice at the table, and petition Congress to amend the law to cover Chinese greenfield investments. CFIUS should publish a penalty schedule for violations of CFIUS reporting and mitigation requirements. Publishing a penalty schedule for CFIUS violations will reduce the discretion of the committee to waive penalties or impose mere “wrist slap” costs on violators of the law. Additionally, a standardized penalty schedule would likely increase the deterrence of CFIUS enforcement by reducing the per- ception among parties to covered transactions that they can avoid enforcement by the committee or secure special exceptions based on appeals to the commit- tee’s discretion. As a legal matter—and in application by CFIUS—mitigation monitoring has developed as the Wild West. There are no clear rules that guide the entire com- mittee on mitigation monitoring, nor is there the same level of oversight or accountability within and among the agencies as applies when CFIUS reviews a transaction or when it pursues a civil money penalty. Indeed, it is a credit to transaction parties and the professionalism of the governmental officials and con- tractors who conduct mitigation monitoring on behalf of the government that, by and large, mitigation monitoring has worked adequately during the last several decades. But dependency on the personality and capabilities of individuals creates unnecessary risk both for CFIUS and for transaction parties.

Introduction

Moderate61.7%
Pages: 736-738

— 703 — Department of the Treasury l The U.S. should also examine increasing or decreasing its ownership levels in these institutions in order to achieve maximum leverage. CHINA AND OTHER GEOPOLITICAL THREATS Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States. The interagency Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States should realign its priorities to meet the United States’ current foreign policy threats, especially from China. On October 20, 2022, the Treasury Department, which chairs CFIUS, adopted the first-ever CFIUS Enforcement and Penalty Guidelines50 on the committee’s national security risk mitigation requirements. However, there are no clear rules that guide CFIUS on mitigation monitoring, nor is there a published penalty sched- ule to standardize accountability when CFIUS pursues a civil money penalty for violators. In addition, Treasury—as chair of the committee—runs an opaque pro- cess that biases committee procedure toward corporate interests and away from national security interests. Finally, the committee’s jurisdiction does not extend over greenfield investments that Chinese state-owned enterprises have historically pursued in the United States, which leaves America vulnerable to an instrument of Chinese economic statecraft. Given these issues, the next steps for CFIUS should be to develop a more coherent—and transparent—mitigation monitoring program to complement the enforcement guidelines, give CFIUS agencies in charge of national security con- cerns an equal voice at the table, and petition Congress to amend the law to cover Chinese greenfield investments. CFIUS should publish a penalty schedule for violations of CFIUS reporting and mitigation requirements. Publishing a penalty schedule for CFIUS violations will reduce the discretion of the committee to waive penalties or impose mere “wrist slap” costs on violators of the law. Additionally, a standardized penalty schedule would likely increase the deterrence of CFIUS enforcement by reducing the per- ception among parties to covered transactions that they can avoid enforcement by the committee or secure special exceptions based on appeals to the commit- tee’s discretion. As a legal matter—and in application by CFIUS—mitigation monitoring has developed as the Wild West. There are no clear rules that guide the entire com- mittee on mitigation monitoring, nor is there the same level of oversight or accountability within and among the agencies as applies when CFIUS reviews a transaction or when it pursues a civil money penalty. Indeed, it is a credit to transaction parties and the professionalism of the governmental officials and con- tractors who conduct mitigation monitoring on behalf of the government that, by and large, mitigation monitoring has worked adequately during the last several decades. But dependency on the personality and capabilities of individuals creates unnecessary risk both for CFIUS and for transaction parties. — 704 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Congress should make the Department of Defense (DOD) a CFIUS co-chair with the Department of Treasury. Making DOD an official CFIUS co-chair along with Treasury will establish a balanced committee process by elevating national security interests to an equal stature. The committee is currently imbalanced toward the interests of corporate America because Treasury is the sole chair of CFIUS and, in practice, runs a process that is not fully transparent and which biases it from the national security interests represented by DOD and the Intelligence Community (IC). For example, Treasury representatives will consult with the Commerce Depart- ment and the United States Trade Representative—which tend to favor permitting covered transactions to occur with little to no mitigation requirements—and these representatives will then obscure the results and purposes of such sidebar meet- ings from DOD and IC representatives. This hampers DOD, IC, and sometimes even State Department representatives from full participation in the process or from advocating national security interests as well as they should. Greenfield Investments. Congress should close the loophole on greenfield investments and require CFIUS review of investments in U.S.-based greenfield assets by Chinese-controlled entities to assess any potential harm to U.S. national and economic security. In the 2018 Foreign Risk and Review Modernization Act (FIRRMA),51 one important category of foreign transactions left out of the bill was greenfield investments, particularly by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Greenfield investments by Chinese SOEs pose a unique threat, and they should be met with the highest scrutiny by all levels of government. Greenfield investments result in the control of newly built facilities in the U.S., and they were not addressed in FIRRMA primarily because governors and state governments embrace them. That is understandable; they typically bring the promise of creating American jobs. However, the goal of such Chinese SOEs is to siphon assets, technological innovation, and influence away from U.S. businesses in order to expand the global presence of the Chinese Communist Party. While the Chinese government keeps its domestic markets largely insulated from foreign influence, it regularly invests in the U.S. and other countries under the “green- field” model. Firms fully owned by China’s Communist regime are increasingly buying land, building factories, and taking advantage of state and local tax breaks on American soil. Treasury should examine creating a school of financial warfare jointly with DOD. If the U.S. is to rely on financial weapons, tools, and strategies to prosecute international defensive and offensive objectives, it must create a specially trained group of experts dedicated to the study, training, testing, and preparedness of these deterrents. Recent experience has demonstrated that the U.S. cannot depend on the rapid development and deployment of untested, academically developed finan- cial actions, stratagems, and weapons on an ad hoc basis.

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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