Safe and Smart Federal Purchasing Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/856
Last Updated: July 17, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Donalds, Byron [R-FL-19]

ID: D000032

Follow the money

The bill

Safe and Smart Federal Purchasing Act

HR. 856, 119th Congress — read as touching Defense Contractors.

The sponsor

Rep. Donalds, Byron [R-FL-19]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$123,150 raised

22 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

85% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Executive Office of the President of the United States" section, p. 81-83 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate and Read twice and referred to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs.

March 3, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another exercise in legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

The "Safe and Smart Federal Purchasing Act" – a title that screams "We're trying too hard!" This bill is less about national security and more about securing the interests of defense contractors and their Congressional lapdogs.

Section 2, subsection (a) requires the Director of the Office of Management and Budget to review procurement practices. Oh, how thrilling! A review! Because what's needed here is another layer of bureaucratic navel-gazing, not actual reform. The real purpose? To create a smokescreen for the pork-filled appropriations that follow.

Now, let's get to the meat (or rather, the gristle) of this bill:

* Total funding amounts and budget allocations: Not specified in the provided text, because who needs transparency when you're peddling "national security"? * Key programs and agencies receiving funds: Defense and Civilian agencies, naturally. Because what's a defense contractor without a fat government contract to line their pockets? * Notable increases or decreases from previous years: None mentioned, but I'm sure the increases will be justified by the usual "security threats" and "emerging technologies" buzzwords. * Riders or policy provisions attached to funding: The real fun begins here. Expect riders that benefit specific defense contractors, perhaps some "urgently needed" research grants for their pet projects, or maybe even a few sweetheart deals for favored industries.

Fiscal impact and deficit implications? Ha! Don't make me laugh. This bill will likely add to the national debt, but who's counting when there are campaign contributions to be made?

In conclusion, this bill is a classic case of " Legislative-itis": a disease characterized by symptoms of bureaucratic bloat, contractor cronyism, and a complete disregard for fiscal responsibility. The diagnosis? A bad case of "We're trying to cover our behinds while lining our pockets."

Treatment? None needed; just more of the same old, same old. After all, as the great philosopher once said, "You can't fix stupid."

Related Topics

Defense Spending & ProcurementFederal Budget & Appropriations
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Donalds, Byron [R-FL-19]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$123,150
21 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$750
Committees
$0
Individuals
$122,400

No PAC contributions found

1
SHANNON GREEN COLLECTION
1 transaction
$500
2
NAPLES SMART, LLC
1 transaction
$250

No committee contributions found

1
TENEV, VLADIMIR
2 transactions
$10,000
2
COX, JOE B
1 transaction
$6,600
3
STALLINGS, KYLE
1 transaction
$6,600
4
ZALIK, DAVID
1 transaction
$6,600
5
ZALIK, HELEN
1 transaction
$6,600
6
BAUM, DAVID
1 transaction
$6,600
7
WALDRIP, EMORY
1 transaction
$6,600
8
MANDELBLATT, DANIELLE
1 transaction
$6,600
9
MANDELBLATT, ERIC
1 transaction
$6,600
10
REHNERT, GEOFFREY
1 transaction
$6,600
11
CRISWELL, HARRY E III
1 transaction
$6,600
12
JOHNSON, CHARLES B
1 transaction
$6,600
13
VOCCOLA, FREDERICK J
1 transaction
$6,600
14
WILSON, DONALD R JR
1 transaction
$6,600
15
SACKS, DAVID
1 transaction
$6,600
16
ADAMS, CAROL
1 transaction
$5,000
17
BAPPERT, CORY
1 transaction
$5,000
18
FUENTE, CARLOS
1 transaction
$5,000
19
BHATT, BAIJU
1 transaction
$5,000

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Connolly, Gerald E. [D-VA-11]

ID: C001078

Top Contributors

10

1
FOR SENATE, MARSDEN
MARSDEN FOR SENATE COMMITTEE • SENATOR
COMBURKE, VA
$250
Mar 19, 2024
2
HUNTON ANDREWS KURTH LLP
OrganizationRICHMOND, VA
$2,900
Jun 22, 2023
3
HERSHMAN, MICHAEL J.
THE FAIRFAX GROUP • PRESIDENT
IndividualDELRAY BEACH, FL
$3,300
Dec 24, 2024
4
TRONE, DAVID
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES • REPRESENTATIVE
IndividualPOTOMAC, MD
$3,300
Dec 9, 2024
5
MISENER, PAUL E
SELF-EMPLOYED • LAWYER
IndividualGREAT FALLS, VA
$3,300
Sep 21, 2023
6
PUNARO, ARNOLD
PUNARO GROUP • CONSULTANT
IndividualMCLEAN, VA
$3,300
Jul 25, 2023
7
PUNARO, ARNOLD
PUNARO GROUP • CONSULTANT
IndividualMCLEAN, VA
$3,300
Jul 25, 2023
8
PUNARO, JULIA
RETIRED • NONE
IndividualMCLEAN, VA
$3,300
Jul 25, 2023
9
PUNARO, JULIA
RETIRED • NONE
IndividualMCLEAN, VA
$3,300
Jul 25, 2023
10
RABAUT, TOM W
NOT EMPLOYED • NOT EMPLOYED
IndividualGREAT FALLS, VA
$3,300
Sep 27, 2023

Donor Network - Rep. Donalds, Byron [R-FL-19]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 59 nodes and 25 connections (49 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $129,600

Top Donors - Rep. Donalds, Byron [R-FL-19]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs19 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.

  • +Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.80

    Section 2(a) requires a review of procurement management practices of Defense agencies, which may lead to changes in the source selection process that could benefit defense contractors.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Executive Office of the President of the United States

Strong
Vector: 65%
Pages: 81-83AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill tasks the OMB Director with reviewing the lowest price technically acceptable procurement process for national security risks, which directly aligns with Project 2025’s emphasis on using the Office of Federal Procurement Policy (OFPP) and OMB leadership to shape federal contracting rules that advance the President’s agenda and ensure transparency and security in government contracts."

Key themes:federal procurement reformOMB oversightnational security considerationstransparency in contractingpresidential policy alignment

— 48 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l The Office of Federal Procurement Policy (OFPP). l The Office of Performance and Personnel Management (OPPM). l The Office of Federal Financial Management (OFFM). l The Office of the Federal Chief Information Officer (OFCIO). l The Made in America Office (MIAO), which was added by the Biden Administration and is not a Senate-confirmed slot. Each of these offices has responsibilities and authorities that a President can use to help drive policy across the government. It is vital that the Director and his political staff, not the careerists, drive these offices in pursuit of the President’s actual priorities and not let them set their own agenda based on the wishes of the sprawling “good government” management community in and outside of govern- ment. Many Directors do not properly prioritize the management portfolio, leaving it to the Deputy for Management, but such neglect creates purposeless bureaucracy that impedes a President’s agenda—an “M Train to Nowhere.” OFPP. This office plays a critical role in leading the development of new policies and regulations concerning federal contracting and procurement. Through the Federal Acquisition Regulatory Council, which is generally chaired by the OFPP Administrator, OFPP helps the Director to set a wide range of policies for all of those who contract with the executive branch. In the past, those governmentwide contracting rules have played a key role in helping to implement the President’s policy agenda. This office should be engaged early and often in OMB’s effort to drive policy, including by obtaining transparency about entities that are awarded federal contracts and grants and by using government contracts to push back against woke policies in corporate America. OPPM. Through this office, the Director helps federal agencies to establish their performance goals and performance review processes. OPPM also works with the U.S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM) to establish and manage personnel policies and practices across the federal government. The Director should instruct OPPM to establish annual performance goals and review processes for agencies that reflect the President’s agenda. OPPM should also be part of the President’s strategy to set and enforce sensible policies and practices for the federal workforce. OFFM. This office helps the Director to root out waste, fraud, and abuse in fed- eral programs—for example, through the Do Not Pay program. It should be part of efforts to save precious taxpayer resources. OFCIO. This office guides the federal government’s use and adoption of Inter- net-based technologies to improve government operations and save taxpayer — 49 — Executive Office of the President of the United States money. As a function of its leadership role, it is critical in interagency discussions on a wide range of technology issues. The office thus is an important part of the President’s efforts to modernize, strengthen, and set technology-adoption policy for the executive branch. MIAO. Building on the example and work of the Trump Administration, Presi- dent Biden established this office to centralize, carry out, and further develop the federal government’s Buy-American and other Made-in-America commitments. Its work ought to be continued and further strengthened. Regulatory and Information Policy. OMB’s OIRA plays an enormous and vital role in reining in the regulatory state and ensuring that regulations achieve important benefits while imposing minimal burdens on Americans. The President should maintain Executive Order (EO) 12866,4 the foundation of OIRA’s review of regulatory actions. The Administration should likewise maintain the recent extension of those standards to regulatory actions of the U.S. Department of the Treasury.5 Regulatory analysis and OIRA review should also be required of the historically “independent” agencies as the Office of Legal Counsel has found is legally permissible.6 If the current Administration proceeds with its declared intent to modify aspects of EO 12866 or review OMB Circular A-4,7 the related document that provides the foundation for cost-benefit analysis, the next President should imme- diately begin to undo those changes and develop a rigorous, data-driven approach that will result in the least burdensome rules possible. The next President should also revive the directive in Executive Order 138918 that significant guidance doc- uments also must pass through OIRA review. Because OIRA review often leads to fewer regulatory burdens, more regulatory benefits, and better coordination of regulatory policy, funding for OIRA tends to pay large dividends. Yet over the years, funding for OIRA has diminished. This trend should be reversed. The budget should also include sufficient full-time equiv- alent (FTE) employees to form regulatory advance teams that would consult with agencies on cost-benefit analysis and good regulatory practices at the beginning of the rulemaking process for the most important regulations. These teams would help agencies take cost-benefit analysis into account from the beginning of their rulemaking efforts, which in turn would result in higher-quality regulations and a swifter eventual OIRA review. To preserve the integrity of OIRA review, the staff who consult at the beginning of a rulemaking should not handle its eventual review. The next President should also reinstate the many executive orders signed by President Trump that were designed to make the regulatory process more just, efficient, and transparent. Executive Orders 13771,9 13777,10 13891,11 13892,12 13893,13 13924 Section 6,14 13979,15 and 1398016 should be revived (with modifica- tions as needed). Executive Order 1313217 on federalism should be strengthened so that state regulatory and fiscal operations are not commandeered by the federal

Department of Defense

Moderate
Vector: 63%
Pages: 128-130AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the bill and Project 2025 focus on reforming federal acquisition processes to enhance national security, though the bill is limited to a review of the lowest price technically acceptable source selection while Project 2025 proposes broader acquisition reforms such as multiyear procurement, domestic sourcing, and agile decision‑making."

Key themes:acquisition reformprocurement process reviewnational security risk assessmentdefense industrial basespeed and agility

— 96 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise relevant. This allows the acquisition community to focus on portfolio management and move money around more easily instead of being locked into inflexible, multiyear procurement cycles. 2. The President should examine the recommendations of the congressionally mandated Commission on Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution Reform4 and develop a strategy for implementing those that the Administration considers to be in the best interests of the American people. The commission’s final report is due on September 1, 2023. 3. Develop legislation or other means of providing funding outside the traditional PPBE process for the prototyping and experimentation of emerging technologies that are deemed essential to modernization and future conflict. Consider creating a “fast track” for projects that satisfy the most pressing national security needs. 4. Require the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment, the Under Secretary for Research and Engineering, and all service secretaries to conduct “Night Court” and use existing authorities to terminate outdated or underperforming programs so that money can be used for what works and will work. Require the Under Secretaries and service secretaries to brief the Secretary annually on the results. 5. Require the Office of the Secretary of Defense to research and report on the acquisition processes used by America’s adversaries to improve our understanding of how they are often able to innovate and field new technologies on a faster timeline. l Strengthen America’s defense industrial base. 1. Replenish and maintain U.S. stockpiles of ammunition and other equipment that have been depleted as a result of U.S. support to Ukraine. This will strengthen the defense industry supply chain and ensure that adequate inventory exists if it is needed for a future conflict. 2. Collaborate with industry to develop a prioritized list of reforms that the DOD and Congress can enact and implement to incentivize industry to help America’s military innovate and field needed capabilities. — 97 — Department of Defense 3. Strengthen the ability of acquisition authorities to engage in multiyear procurements and block buys. This will improve private-sector rates of return, thereby incentivizing defense contractors to partner with the government. It will also reduce government overhead by reducing the number of procurement competitions. 4. Prioritize the U.S. and allies under the “domestic end product” and “domestic components” requirements of the Build America, Buy America Act.5 Currently, defense companies are required to manufacture defense items for the U.S. government that are 100 percent domestically produced and at least 50 percent composed of domestically produced components. However, there are loopholes that allow companies to manufacture these items overseas. This can create supply chain and other issues, especially in wartime. Manufacturing components and end products domestically and with allies spurs factory development, increases American jobs, and builds resilience in America’s defense industrial base. 5. Review the sectors currently prioritized for onshoring or “friendshoring” of manufacturing (kinetic capabilities, castings and forgings, critical materials, microelectronics, space, and electric vehicle batteries); evaluate them according to the strategic landscape; and expand or reprioritize the list as appropriate. 6. Help small businesses to become medium-size and large vendors, which encourages a more resilient industrial base and fosters competition. Encourage and plan for durable supply chains for small businesses so they also have commercial/private-sector customers and are not solely dependent on defense orders, which can be highly specialized, expensive, and irregular. 7. Increase external engagement among small businesses to inform them of DOD’s needs and how they could work with DOD to meet national security priorities. l Optimize the DOD acquisition community. 1. Create incentives to emphasize speed and agility in decision-making for prototyping and program-of-record starts and terminations. Most bureaucrats would rather follow a checklist and fail than go outside the procedures and win because failure means negative

Executive Office of the President of the United States

Moderate
Vector: 63%
Pages: 81-83AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The bill's focus on reviewing procurement practices for national security risks aligns with Project 2025's emphasis on strengthening executive branch oversight, regulatory efficiency, and interagency coordination—particularly through OMB's role in policy implementation and legislative clearance. While the bill does not directly address Buy-American policies or regulatory reform, it supports broader goals of ensuring secure and effective federal operations."

Key themes:OMB oversightnational securityprocurement reforminteragency coordinationexecutive branch efficiency

— 49 — Executive Office of the President of the United States money. As a function of its leadership role, it is critical in interagency discussions on a wide range of technology issues. The office thus is an important part of the President’s efforts to modernize, strengthen, and set technology-adoption policy for the executive branch. MIAO. Building on the example and work of the Trump Administration, Presi- dent Biden established this office to centralize, carry out, and further develop the federal government’s Buy-American and other Made-in-America commitments. Its work ought to be continued and further strengthened. Regulatory and Information Policy. OMB’s OIRA plays an enormous and vital role in reining in the regulatory state and ensuring that regulations achieve important benefits while imposing minimal burdens on Americans. The President should maintain Executive Order (EO) 12866,4 the foundation of OIRA’s review of regulatory actions. The Administration should likewise maintain the recent extension of those standards to regulatory actions of the U.S. Department of the Treasury.5 Regulatory analysis and OIRA review should also be required of the historically “independent” agencies as the Office of Legal Counsel has found is legally permissible.6 If the current Administration proceeds with its declared intent to modify aspects of EO 12866 or review OMB Circular A-4,7 the related document that provides the foundation for cost-benefit analysis, the next President should imme- diately begin to undo those changes and develop a rigorous, data-driven approach that will result in the least burdensome rules possible. The next President should also revive the directive in Executive Order 138918 that significant guidance doc- uments also must pass through OIRA review. Because OIRA review often leads to fewer regulatory burdens, more regulatory benefits, and better coordination of regulatory policy, funding for OIRA tends to pay large dividends. Yet over the years, funding for OIRA has diminished. This trend should be reversed. The budget should also include sufficient full-time equiv- alent (FTE) employees to form regulatory advance teams that would consult with agencies on cost-benefit analysis and good regulatory practices at the beginning of the rulemaking process for the most important regulations. These teams would help agencies take cost-benefit analysis into account from the beginning of their rulemaking efforts, which in turn would result in higher-quality regulations and a swifter eventual OIRA review. To preserve the integrity of OIRA review, the staff who consult at the beginning of a rulemaking should not handle its eventual review. The next President should also reinstate the many executive orders signed by President Trump that were designed to make the regulatory process more just, efficient, and transparent. Executive Orders 13771,9 13777,10 13891,11 13892,12 13893,13 13924 Section 6,14 13979,15 and 1398016 should be revived (with modifica- tions as needed). Executive Order 1313217 on federalism should be strengthened so that state regulatory and fiscal operations are not commandeered by the federal — 50 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise government through so-called cooperative federalism programs. Additionally, the President should revise and sign an updated version of President Ronald Reagan’s Executive Order 1263018 on federal takings. The next President should strengthen implementation of the Information Qual- ity Act,19 robustly use the authority of the Paperwork Reduction Act,20 carefully enforce the Privacy Act,21 and ensure the sound execution of OIRA’s statistical and other information policy functions. Regulatory cooperation agreements can also promote the further adoption of good regulatory practices, which improve market conditions for America and her allies. OIRA should also work with other components of OMB to revise and apply OMB’s uniform Guidance for Grants and Agreements22 and ensure that federal contract and grant guidelines satisfy EO 12866 and other centralized standards as appropriate. But executive reforms and actions, while vital, are not enough: Congress also must act. The next President should work with Congress to pass significant reg- ulatory policy and process reforms, which could go a long way toward reining in the administrative state. Excellent examples of such legislation include the Reg- ulatory Accountability Act,23 SMART Act,24 GOOD Act,25 Early Participation in Regulations Act,26 Unfunded Mandates Accountability and Transparency Act,27 and REINS Act.28 Finally, the next President should work with Congress to maximize the utility of the Congressional Review Act (CRA),29 which allows Congress to undo midnight regulatory actions (including those disguised as “guidance”) on an accelerated timeline. To leverage the CRA’s power to the maximum extent, Congress and the President should enact the Midnight Rules Relief Act,30 which would help to ensure that multiple regulatory actions could be packaged and voted on at the same time. Immediate and robust use of the CRA would allow the President to focus his rulemaking resources on major new regulatory reforms rather than devoting months or years to undoing the final rulemakings of the Biden Administration. Legislative Clearance and Coordination. OMB plays a critical role in ensur- ing that the executive branch is aligned on legislative proposals and language, agency testimonies, and other communications with Congress. The Director should use these authorities to enforce policy and message consistency aggressively and promote the effective engagement of the executive branch in legislative processes. NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL (NSC) The National Security Council (NSC) was established by statute to support the President in developing and implementing national security policy by coordinating across relevant departments and agencies, integrating authorities and resources toward common ends, and objectively assessing progress toward established goals. Led by the National Security Advisor (NSA), the NSC staff will be success- ful in implementing the President’s national security goals only if it is made up

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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