Safety is Not For Sale Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/7372
Last Updated: March 17, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Pallone, Frank [D-NJ-6]

ID: P000034

Follow the money

The bill

Safety is Not For Sale Act

HR. 7372, 119th Congress — read as touching Automotive (Legacy).

The sponsor

Rep. Pallone, Frank [D-NJ-6]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$82,625 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

70% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Transportation" section, p. 658-660 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Forwarded by Subcommittee to Full Committee by Voice Vote.

February 9, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

✅

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another bill, another opportunity for our esteemed lawmakers to pretend they care about the well-being of their constituents while actually serving the interests of their corporate overlords.

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The Safety is Not For Sale Act (HR 7372) claims to ensure that lifesaving motor vehicle safety features are offered independently of convenience and luxury features. How noble. The real purpose, however, is to create a new regulatory framework that will benefit the auto industry's bottom line while giving the illusion of prioritizing consumer safety.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill prohibits manufacturers from bundling safety features with non-safety features, requiring them to be sold separately or as standard trim equipment. It also mandates clear disclosure of the cost of optional safety features. Because, you know, consumers are just too stupid to figure it out themselves.

Oh, and let's not forget the enforcement mechanism: the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) gets to police this new regulation, because we all know how effective they've been in regulating corporate America. *eyeroll*

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects:

* Auto manufacturers: They'll pretend to be outraged by these "onerous" regulations while secretly rejoicing at the opportunity to create new revenue streams. * Consumers: The ones who will actually be affected by this bill, but let's be real, they're just pawns in this game. They'll get to pay more for safety features they might not even want or need. * Lobbyists: The real winners here, as they'll get to "advise" lawmakers on how to craft the perfect regulation that benefits their clients.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill will likely lead to:

* Increased costs for consumers, as manufacturers pass on the costs of compliance to buyers. * More regulatory capture, as the auto industry uses its lobbying muscle to shape the FTC's enforcement priorities. * A false sense of security among consumers, who will think they're getting safer cars when in reality, they're just paying more for features they might not need.

In conclusion, HR 7372 is a classic example of legislative theater, designed to make lawmakers look good while serving the interests of their corporate donors. It's a bill that says, "We care about your safety, but only if it doesn't hurt our bottom line."

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Pallone, Frank [D-NJ-6]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$82,625
23 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$13,225
Committees
$0
Individuals
$69,400

No PAC contributions found

1
PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
3 transactions
$6,600
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
2 transactions
$3,300
3
CHOCTAW NATION OF OKLAHOMA
2 transactions
$1,825
4
HOLMDEL FUNERAL HOME
1 transaction
$500
5
MISSISSIPPI BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
1 transaction
$500
6
HIGHLANDS DEMOCRATIC CLUB
1 transaction
$500

No committee contributions found

1
MARINO, ROBERT
3 transactions
$13,300
2
GOODSTEIN, DEBBIE
2 transactions
$6,600
3
HEALEY, PATRICK J.
1 transaction
$3,300
4
SINGH, JASPREET
1 transaction
$3,300
5
O'KELLEY, BRAD
1 transaction
$3,300
6
BOYADJIAN, NISHAN
1 transaction
$3,300
7
ARONSON, LAUREN
1 transaction
$3,300
8
OBERHELMAN, DIANE
1 transaction
$3,300
9
GATES, WILLIAM H. III
1 transaction
$3,300
10
BRENNER, DEAN R.
1 transaction
$3,300
11
HEREDIA, GEOFF
1 transaction
$3,300
12
GRAHAM, JOHN F X
1 transaction
$3,300
13
TSAI, TENNY
1 transaction
$3,300
14
PARKER, FAITH
1 transaction
$3,300
15
PETKANICS, DONNA
1 transaction
$3,300
16
ALEXANDER, STACEY
1 transaction
$3,300
17
ELMENDORF, STEVEN
1 transaction
$3,300

Donor Network - Rep. Pallone, Frank [D-NJ-6]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 61 nodes and 30 connections (79 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $82,625

Top Donors - Rep. Pallone, Frank [D-NJ-6]

Showing top 23 donors by contribution amount

6 Orgs17 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 harmed.

  • −Automotive (Legacy)confidence 0.90

    Section 2(a)(1) prohibits offering optional safety features unless sold separately from non-safety features or as standard trim equipment, imposing new regulatory requirements on vehicle manufacturers and dealers, which could increase costs and affect sales practices in the automotive industry.

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Transportation

Moderate
Vector: 65%
Pages: 658-660AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the bill and the Project 2025 DOT section prioritize vehicle safety and seek to reduce cost barriers that prevent consumers from accessing safer vehicles or safety features. The bill’s focus on unbundling and transparently pricing safety features aligns with Project 2025’s concern that regulations like CAFE standards raise vehicle prices and discourage adoption of newer, safer technologies."

Key themes:vehicle safetyconsumer affordabilityregulatory transparencysafety feature accesscost barriers

— 625 — Department of Transportation security, and privacy without hampering innovation. DOT can oversee the testing and deployment of a wide variety of new technologies, allowing communities and individuals to choose what best fits their needs. It is the role of the private sector, not the government, to pick winners and losers in technology development. If a technology underperforms, the private sector should be liable, not the government. The department should ensure a tech-neutral approach to addressing any emerging transportation technology while keeping safety as the number one priority. As part of this, it should work to facilitate the safe and full integration of automated vehicles into the national transportation system. Over time, these advanced technologies can save lives, transform personal mobility, and provide additional transportation opportunities—including for people with disabili- ties, aging populations, and communities where car ownership is expensive or impractical. NHTSA’s and FMCSA’s current regulations were written before the advent of automated vehicles and driving systems. Both operating administrations have issued Advance Notices of Proposed Rulemakings (ANPRMs) that begin the pro- cess of updating their regulations to reflect this new technology. However, these regulations have stalled under the Biden Administration, which has chosen to use the department’s tools to get people to take transit and drive electric vehicles instead of helping people to choose the transportation options that suit them best. l NHTSA should work to remove regulatory barriers by focusing on updating vehicle standards as well as publishing performance-based rules for the operations of automated vehicles (AVs). l FMCSA should work to clarify the regulations to align with DOT’s AV 3.0 guidance, which would allow the drivers to be safely removed from the operations of a commercial motor vehicle. From a nonregulatory point of view, DOT has pivoted from a successful focus on the voluntary sharing of data to improve safety outcomes to adoption of a more compulsory and antagonistic approach to mandating data collection and publica- tion through a Standing General Order related to automated vehicles. This needs to be reversed. Many of these new and innovative technologies rely on wireless communica- tions that depend on the availability and purchase of radio frequency spectrum, a trend that is consistent with what we see in connectivity in our everyday lives. There is a role for DOT in ensuring that in the fight over spectrum, transportation gets its fair share. For technologies to work in transportation, and in particular to work for transportation safety, they have to meet the unique needs of a transportation — 626 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise environment. They need to account for rapidly moving and out-of-line-of-sight vehicles as well as pedestrians, bicyclists, and other road users. They should account for the potential for radio interference, and they should address security. This is why in 1999, in response to a request from Congress, the Federal Com- munications Commission allocated the 5.9 GHz band of spectrum to traffic safety and intelligent transportation systems (ITS). In 2020, the FCC took away 45 MHz of the 75 MHz it had added, leaving only 30 MHz for transportation safety and ITS. DOT needs to represent the transportation community and make the case for needed spectrum to the public and Congress. CORPORATE AVERAGE FUEL ECONOMY (CAFE) STANDARDS One reason for the high numbers of injuries on American roadways is that national fuel economy standards raise the price of cars, disincentivizing people from purchasing newer, safer vehicles. Congress requires the Secretary of Transportation to set national fuel econ- omy standards for new motor vehicles sold in the United States. This mandate was established in the Energy Policy and Conservation Act of 1975 (EPCA),6 a law passed in the wake of the Arab oil embargo to promote greater energy efficiency and lessen the national security threat of U.S. dependence on foreign oil. The stat- ute directs DOT to prescribe the “maximum feasible” mileage requirements for different categories of internal-combustion engine (ICE) automobiles for each model year. The standards must be achievable using available ICE technologies running on gasoline, diesel fuel, or similar combustible fuels and must not be set so high as to prevent automakers from profitably producing new vehicles at sufficient volume to meet consumer demand. Congress recognized that the ICE-powered automobile has been instrumen- tal to advancing the mobility and prosperity of the American people and that the domestic mass production of new ICE vehicles generates millions of jobs and remains critical to the overall health of the U.S. economy and the strength of the nation’s industrial base. Accordingly, Congress took care to ensure that the mileage requirements issued by DOT would not undermine the vitality of America’s auto industry or interfere with the market economics that drives consumer demand for new vehicles. This rulemaking authority, which has been delegated by the Secretary to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, is exclusive to DOT. EPCA expressly preempts states from adopting or enforcing any different requirement “related to fuel economy standards” for new motor vehicles. While the statute instructs DOT to consult with the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in formulating its standards, no other federal agency, including EPA, has clear authority to set fuel economy requirements in place of NHTSA. The Clean Air Act7 gives EPA general authority to establish emissions

Department of Transportation

Moderate
Vector: 63%
Pages: 658-660AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the bill and the Project 2025 DOT section prioritize vehicle safety and consumer transparency, but the bill focuses on unbundling safety features while Project 2025 emphasizes automated vehicle integration, regulatory reform, and spectrum allocation, resulting in only partial thematic overlap."

Key themes:vehicle safetyconsumer transparencysafety-first priorityregulatory oversight

— 625 — Department of Transportation security, and privacy without hampering innovation. DOT can oversee the testing and deployment of a wide variety of new technologies, allowing communities and individuals to choose what best fits their needs. It is the role of the private sector, not the government, to pick winners and losers in technology development. If a technology underperforms, the private sector should be liable, not the government. The department should ensure a tech-neutral approach to addressing any emerging transportation technology while keeping safety as the number one priority. As part of this, it should work to facilitate the safe and full integration of automated vehicles into the national transportation system. Over time, these advanced technologies can save lives, transform personal mobility, and provide additional transportation opportunities—including for people with disabili- ties, aging populations, and communities where car ownership is expensive or impractical. NHTSA’s and FMCSA’s current regulations were written before the advent of automated vehicles and driving systems. Both operating administrations have issued Advance Notices of Proposed Rulemakings (ANPRMs) that begin the pro- cess of updating their regulations to reflect this new technology. However, these regulations have stalled under the Biden Administration, which has chosen to use the department’s tools to get people to take transit and drive electric vehicles instead of helping people to choose the transportation options that suit them best. l NHTSA should work to remove regulatory barriers by focusing on updating vehicle standards as well as publishing performance-based rules for the operations of automated vehicles (AVs). l FMCSA should work to clarify the regulations to align with DOT’s AV 3.0 guidance, which would allow the drivers to be safely removed from the operations of a commercial motor vehicle. From a nonregulatory point of view, DOT has pivoted from a successful focus on the voluntary sharing of data to improve safety outcomes to adoption of a more compulsory and antagonistic approach to mandating data collection and publica- tion through a Standing General Order related to automated vehicles. This needs to be reversed. Many of these new and innovative technologies rely on wireless communica- tions that depend on the availability and purchase of radio frequency spectrum, a trend that is consistent with what we see in connectivity in our everyday lives. There is a role for DOT in ensuring that in the fight over spectrum, transportation gets its fair share. For technologies to work in transportation, and in particular to work for transportation safety, they have to meet the unique needs of a transportation

Department of Transportation

Moderate
Vector: 61%
Pages: 658-660AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"Both the bill and the Project 2025 DOT section aim to make safer vehicles more affordable and accessible to consumers, though they address different mechanisms—unbundling safety features versus opposing costly fuel‑economy/EV mandates that raise vehicle prices."

Key themes:vehicle safetyaffordabilityconsumer accessregulatory oversight

— 626 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise environment. They need to account for rapidly moving and out-of-line-of-sight vehicles as well as pedestrians, bicyclists, and other road users. They should account for the potential for radio interference, and they should address security. This is why in 1999, in response to a request from Congress, the Federal Com- munications Commission allocated the 5.9 GHz band of spectrum to traffic safety and intelligent transportation systems (ITS). In 2020, the FCC took away 45 MHz of the 75 MHz it had added, leaving only 30 MHz for transportation safety and ITS. DOT needs to represent the transportation community and make the case for needed spectrum to the public and Congress. CORPORATE AVERAGE FUEL ECONOMY (CAFE) STANDARDS One reason for the high numbers of injuries on American roadways is that national fuel economy standards raise the price of cars, disincentivizing people from purchasing newer, safer vehicles. Congress requires the Secretary of Transportation to set national fuel econ- omy standards for new motor vehicles sold in the United States. This mandate was established in the Energy Policy and Conservation Act of 1975 (EPCA),6 a law passed in the wake of the Arab oil embargo to promote greater energy efficiency and lessen the national security threat of U.S. dependence on foreign oil. The stat- ute directs DOT to prescribe the “maximum feasible” mileage requirements for different categories of internal-combustion engine (ICE) automobiles for each model year. The standards must be achievable using available ICE technologies running on gasoline, diesel fuel, or similar combustible fuels and must not be set so high as to prevent automakers from profitably producing new vehicles at sufficient volume to meet consumer demand. Congress recognized that the ICE-powered automobile has been instrumen- tal to advancing the mobility and prosperity of the American people and that the domestic mass production of new ICE vehicles generates millions of jobs and remains critical to the overall health of the U.S. economy and the strength of the nation’s industrial base. Accordingly, Congress took care to ensure that the mileage requirements issued by DOT would not undermine the vitality of America’s auto industry or interfere with the market economics that drives consumer demand for new vehicles. This rulemaking authority, which has been delegated by the Secretary to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, is exclusive to DOT. EPCA expressly preempts states from adopting or enforcing any different requirement “related to fuel economy standards” for new motor vehicles. While the statute instructs DOT to consult with the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in formulating its standards, no other federal agency, including EPA, has clear authority to set fuel economy requirements in place of NHTSA. The Clean Air Act7 gives EPA general authority to establish emissions — 627 — Department of Transportation limits for new motor vehicles for air pollutants that are found to pose a danger to humans. However, there is no reason to believe Congress ever contemplated that EPA’s authority to address automotive air pollution might be used to displace or supersede NHTSA’s fuel economy mandate under EPCA. Congress chose to assign the power to set fuel economy standards to DOT rather than EPA. This was not only because DOT understands the technologies and economics of the auto industry, but also because NHTSA is the nation’s leading motor vehicle safety regulator, and Congress sought to ensure that fuel economy requirements would not adversely affect highway safety. Unfortunately, the Biden Administration has flouted these statutory limitations in nearly every respect. The predictable result is higher expected transportation costs for Americans. l In pursuit of an anti–fossil fuel climate agenda never approved by Congress, the Biden Administration has raised fuel economy requirements to levels that cannot realistically be met by most categories of ICE vehicles. The purpose is to force the auto industry to transition away from traditional technologies to the production of electric vehicles (EVs) and compel Americans to accept costly EVs despite a clear and persistent consumer preference for ICE-powered vehicles. In further support of this agenda, federal regulators administer a scheme of generous fuel economy credits that subsidize EV producers such as Tesla at the expense of legacy automakers. l Moreover, and contrary to Congress’s design, the Biden EPA has been given preeminence in the regulation of fuel economy through the setting of carbon dioxide emissions limits for new motor vehicles under the Clean Air Act. Because carbon dioxide emissions levels correspond to mileage in automobiles powered by fossil fuels, these EPA rules are de facto fuel economy requirements that apply independently of NHTSA’s standards. l The Biden Administration has also granted California a special waiver under the Clean Air Act that permits the California Air Resources Board (CARB) to issue its own fuel economy directives, notwithstanding EPCA’s prohibition on state standards. Under this waiver, CARB has ordered automakers to phase out the sale of ICE-powered automobiles in California and transition to the production of zero-emission vehicles by 2035. The Clean Air Act allows other states to follow California’s requirements; thus, CARB is effectively determining fuel economy policies for the entire nation. As a result of these regulatory actions, automobiles will be significantly more expensive to produce, there will be fewer affordable new vehicle options for Amer- ican families, and fewer new vehicles will be sold in the U.S. That will do more than

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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