The bill
Food Bank Emergency Support Act of 2025
HR. 6271, 119th Congress — read as touching Agribusiness.
Sponsored by
Rep. McClain Delaney, April [D-MD-6]
ID: M001232
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 6271, 119th Congress — read as touching Agribusiness.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 332-334 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR H4977)
December 1, 2025
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. The "Food Bank Emergency Support Act of 2025" - a bill so noble in its intentions, yet so riddled with the stench of politics.
Let's dissect this mess, shall we? The total funding amount is $462,500,000, a paltry sum considering the grandiose title. This appropriation is meant to "carry out the emergency food assistance program" under the Emergency Food Assistance Act of 1983. Ah, yes, because nothing says "emergency" like a decades-old program with a perpetual funding crisis.
The key programs and agencies receiving funds are, unsurprisingly, those that benefit from the perpetuation of poverty and dependency on government handouts. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) is the primary recipient, because who needs self-sufficiency when you can have a never-ending supply of food stamps?
Notable increases or decreases? Ha! This bill is a masterclass in creative accounting. The appropriation is "available until expended," which is code for "we'll just keep throwing money at this problem until it goes away." And what's the justification for this blank check? A vague determination by the Secretary of Agriculture that available budget authority is insufficient. How convenient.
Now, let's talk riders and policy provisions. Section 2(c) deems services related to executing orders for commodity distribution as "services for emergencies involving the safety of human life or the protection of property." Ah, yes, because distributing food stamps is equivalent to saving lives from a burning building.
Fiscal impact and deficit implications? Don't make me laugh. This bill will add to the already-bloated national debt, but hey, who's counting? The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) will likely score this as a "small" increase in spending, which is code for "we have no idea how much it'll actually cost."
In conclusion, this bill is a symptom of a deeper disease: the perpetual need to buy votes and curry favor with special interest groups. It's a cynical ploy to appear compassionate while perpetuating dependency on government handouts. The real illness here is the politicians' addiction to power and their willingness to mortgage our future for short-term gains.
Diagnosis: Legislative Theater-itis, characterized by grandiose titles, vague justifications, and a complete disregard for fiscal responsibility. Treatment: A healthy dose of skepticism, a strong stomach, and a willingness to call out the emperor's new clothes for what they are - a farce.
No campaign finance data available for Rep. McClain Delaney, April [D-MD-6]
This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: A000381
Top Contributors
10
ID: B001281
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10
ID: C001072
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10
ID: D000624
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ID: F000110
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ID: F000481
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ID: J000288
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No contribution data available
ID: M001231
Top Contributors
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ID: M000687
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ID: N000147
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No contribution data available
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 20 nodes and 15 connections
Total contributions: $50,800
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 helped.
Section 2 appropriates $462.5 million for emergency food assistance under the Food and Nutrition Act of 2008, which funds distribution of commodities (food) to low-income households, benefiting agribusinesses that supply food products.
The emergency food assistance program distributes commodities including meat and dairy; increased funding supports processors supplying these goods.
Funds used to purchase commodities (e.g., grains, soybeans, cotton) for distribution, aiding crop producers.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.
— 299 — Department of Agriculture largely hidden. There are means-tested food-support programs in the USDA (specially FNS), whereas most means-tested programs are at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). All means-tested anti- poverty programs should be overseen by one department—specifically HHS, which handles most welfare programs. Reform SNAP. Ostensibly, SNAP sends money through electronic-bene- fit-transfer (EBT) cards to help “low-income” individuals buy food. It is the largest of the federal nutrition programs. Food stamps are designed to be supplemented by other forms of income—whether through paid employment or nonprofit support. SNAP serves 41.1 million individuals—an increase of 4.3 million people during the Biden years.55 In 2020, the food stamp program cost $79.1 billion. That number continued to rise—by 2022, outlays hit $119.5 billion.56 The next Administration should: l Re-implement work requirements. The statutory language covering food stamps allows states to waive work requirements that otherwise apply to work-capable individuals—that is, adult beneficiaries between the ages 18 and 50 who are not disabled and do not have any children or other dependents in the home.57 Even in a strong economy, work expectations are fairly limited: Individuals who are work-capable and without dependents are required to work or prepare for work for 20 hours per week.58 The work requirements are then implemented unless the state requests a waiver from the USDA’s Food and Nutrition Services.59 Waivers from statutory work requirements can be approved in two instances: an unemployment rate of more than 10 percent or a lack of sufficient jobs.60 The Trump Administration bolstered USDA work expectations in the food stamp program. In February 2019, FNS issued a modest regulatory change that applied only to able-bodied individuals without dependents— beneficiaries aged 18 to 49, not elderly or disabled, who did not have children or other dependents in the home (ABAWD).61 The FNS rule changed when a state could receive a waiver from implementing the ABAWD work requirement. Under the new rule, in order to waive the work requirement, the state’s unemployment rate had to be above 6 percent for more than 24 months. The rule also defined “area” in such a way that states would be unable to combine non-contiguous counties in order to maximize their waivers.62 Of — 300 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise the more than 40 million food stamp beneficiaries, the Trump rule would have applied only to 688,000 individuals in fiscal year 2021.63 The Trump reform was scheduled to go into effect, but a D.C. district court federal judge enjoined the rule.64 The USDA filed an appeal in late December 2020,65 but the Biden Administration withdrew from defending the challenge, and the rule was never implemented.66 Beyond the able-bodied work requirement, FNS should implement better regulation to clarify options for states to implement the general work requirement. This requirement is an option states can apply to work- capable beneficiaries aged 16 to 59. If beneficiaries’ work hours are below 30 hours a week, states can implement the general work requirements to oblige beneficiaries to register for work or participate in SNAP Employment and Training or workfare assigned by the state SNAP agency.67 Increased clarity for states would include items like states being required to offer employment and training spots for those that request them—not simply budgeting for every currently enrolled able-bodied adult. l Reform broad-based categorical eligibility. Federal law permits states to enroll individuals in food stamps if they receive a benefit from another program, such as the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program. However, under an administrative option in TANF called broad- based categorical eligibility (BBCE), ”benefit” is defined so broadly that it includes simply receiving distributed pamphlets and 1–800 numbers.68 This definition, with its low threshold to trigger a “benefit,” allows individuals to bypass eligibility limits—particularly the asset requirement (how much the applicant has in resources, such as bank accounts or property).69 Adopting the BBCE option has even allowed millionaires to enroll in the food stamp program.70 The Trump Administration proposed to close the loophole with a rule to “increase program integrity and reduce fraud, waste, and abuse.”71 The regulation was not finalized before the end of the Trump Administration. l Re-evaluate the Thrifty Food Plan. In a dramatic overreach, the Biden Administration unilaterally increased food stamp benefits by at least 23 percent in October 2021.72 Through an update to the Thrifty Food Plan, in which the USDA analyzes a basket of foods intended to provide a nutritious diet, the USDA increased food stamp outlays by between $250 billion and $300 billion over 10 years.73
— 299 — Department of Agriculture largely hidden. There are means-tested food-support programs in the USDA (specially FNS), whereas most means-tested programs are at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). All means-tested anti- poverty programs should be overseen by one department—specifically HHS, which handles most welfare programs. Reform SNAP. Ostensibly, SNAP sends money through electronic-bene- fit-transfer (EBT) cards to help “low-income” individuals buy food. It is the largest of the federal nutrition programs. Food stamps are designed to be supplemented by other forms of income—whether through paid employment or nonprofit support. SNAP serves 41.1 million individuals—an increase of 4.3 million people during the Biden years.55 In 2020, the food stamp program cost $79.1 billion. That number continued to rise—by 2022, outlays hit $119.5 billion.56 The next Administration should: l Re-implement work requirements. The statutory language covering food stamps allows states to waive work requirements that otherwise apply to work-capable individuals—that is, adult beneficiaries between the ages 18 and 50 who are not disabled and do not have any children or other dependents in the home.57 Even in a strong economy, work expectations are fairly limited: Individuals who are work-capable and without dependents are required to work or prepare for work for 20 hours per week.58 The work requirements are then implemented unless the state requests a waiver from the USDA’s Food and Nutrition Services.59 Waivers from statutory work requirements can be approved in two instances: an unemployment rate of more than 10 percent or a lack of sufficient jobs.60 The Trump Administration bolstered USDA work expectations in the food stamp program. In February 2019, FNS issued a modest regulatory change that applied only to able-bodied individuals without dependents— beneficiaries aged 18 to 49, not elderly or disabled, who did not have children or other dependents in the home (ABAWD).61 The FNS rule changed when a state could receive a waiver from implementing the ABAWD work requirement. Under the new rule, in order to waive the work requirement, the state’s unemployment rate had to be above 6 percent for more than 24 months. The rule also defined “area” in such a way that states would be unable to combine non-contiguous counties in order to maximize their waivers.62 Of
Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.