No Fentanyl on Social Media Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/6259
Last Updated: July 16, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8]

ID: E000300

Follow the money

The bill

No Fentanyl on Social Media Act

HR. 6259, 119th Congress — read as touching Big Tech Platforms.

The sponsor

Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$93,473 raised

20 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

63% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 908-910 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Forwarded by Subcommittee to Full Committee by Voice Vote.

December 10, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The "No Fentanyl on Social Media Act" (HR 6259) claims to address the pressing issue of minors accessing fentanyl through social media platforms. How noble. In reality, it's a thinly veiled attempt to grandstand and pretend to care about public health while lining the pockets of their corporate donors.

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill requires the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to submit a report on the ability of minors to access fentanyl through social media platforms within one year. Wow, a whole year! That's plenty of time for the FTC to gather dust and produce a report that will likely be a watered-down, inconsequential piece of fluff.

The bill also defines various terms, including "fentanyl," "minor," and "social media platform." How cute. They think they're being thorough by defining these terms, but it's just a smokescreen to distract from the fact that this bill does nothing meaningful to address the actual issue.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects are involved:

* Social media platforms (who will likely use this as an excuse to further erode user privacy and freedom of speech) * Law enforcement (who will get to expand their surveillance state under the guise of "protecting" minors) * Medical professionals (who will be forced to waste time and resources on bureaucratic reporting requirements) * Parents (who will be placated with empty promises of "action" being taken)

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a classic case of "legislative placebo." It's designed to make politicians look like they're doing something, while actually accomplishing nothing. The real impact will be:

* Increased surveillance and censorship on social media platforms * More bureaucratic red tape for medical professionals and law enforcement * A further erosion of civil liberties under the guise of "protecting" minors

The diagnosis is clear: this bill is a symptom of a deeper disease – the corrupting influence of corporate money in politics. The sponsors of this bill, Mr. Evans of Colorado and Mrs. Dingell, have likely received generous donations from pharmaceutical companies, law enforcement unions, or social media platforms. It's just another case of "pay-to-play" politics.

In conclusion, HR 6259 is a farce, a sham, a travesty. It's a bill designed to make politicians look good while doing nothing meaningful to address the actual issue. But hey, at least they're trying to appear concerned about public health... for now.

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$93,473
20 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$0
Committees
$0
Individuals
$93,473

No PAC contributions found

No organization contributions found

No committee contributions found

1
WRIGHT, ELIZABETH
1 transaction
$6,600
2
WOODWARD, JOHN
1 transaction
$6,600
3
BERGSTROM, ROBERT
1 transaction
$6,600
4
ERICKSON, GARY
1 transaction
$6,600
5
HASELDEN, BYRON
1 transaction
$6,600
6
HASELDEN, EDDIE
1 transaction
$6,600
7
HASELDEN, MIKE
1 transaction
$6,600
8
WAGNER, BRUCE
1 transaction
$5,000
9
DUKE, D. A.
1 transaction
$5,000
10
MCDONALD, BRUCE
1 transaction
$3,868
11
MULVIHILL, JAMES
1 transaction
$3,570
12
TERRY, ROBERT
1 transaction
$3,435
13
ANGELO JR, ERNEST
1 transaction
$3,300
14
CADER, ANDREW
1 transaction
$3,300
15
CRANBERG, CATHY
1 transaction
$3,300
16
FROST, EDWIN
1 transaction
$3,300
17
HAUDENSCHILD, CHRIS
1 transaction
$3,300
18
LEVENSTAM, DAVID
1 transaction
$3,300
19
MASSEY, JON G.
1 transaction
$3,300
20
NOVIK, JAY
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 8 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Dingell, Debbie [D-MI-6]

ID: D000624

Top Contributors

10

1
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationDORR, MI
$3,300
Dec 13, 2023
2
NOTTAWASEPPI HURON BAND OF THE POTAWATOMI
OrganizationFULTON, MI
$3,300
Mar 28, 2024
3
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationDORR, MI
$3,300
Oct 16, 2024
4
FORD, CYNTHIA
NACIVIC PHILANTHROPIST
IndividualGROSSE POINTE FARMS, MI
$3,300
Oct 14, 2024
5
FORD, EDSEL B. II
FORD MOTOR COMPANYCONSULTANT
IndividualGROSSE POINTE FARMS, MI
$3,300
Oct 14, 2024
6
MEIJER, HENDRIK
MEIJER, INC.EXECUTIVE CHAIRMAN
IndividualGRAND RAPIDS, MI
$3,300
Oct 25, 2024
7
CARTER ALTMAN, LYNDA
SELF EMPLOYEDMUSICIAN
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Nov 6, 2023
8
DEBBANE, RAYMOND
THE INVUS GROUPCEO
IndividualGREENWICH, CT
$3,300
Dec 4, 2023
9
FARES, NIJAD
LINKINVESTOR
IndividualHOUSTON, TX
$3,300
Nov 30, 2023
10
III, WILLIAM H. GATES
BREAKTHROUGH ENERGY & BILL & MELINDA GPHILANTHROPIST
IndividualREDMOND, WA
$3,300
Oct 19, 2023

Rep. Vindman, Eugene Simon [D-VA-7]

ID: V000138

Top Contributors

10

1
LUX FOR VIRGINIA
OrganizationLADYSMITH, VA
$500
Mar 29, 2024
2
LUX FOR VIRGINIA
OrganizationLADYSMITH, VA
$500
Mar 31, 2024
3
FORSTER-BURKE, DIANE
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualCOTTONWOOD HEIGHTS, UT
$4,000
Apr 20, 2024
4
FORSTER-BURKE, DIANE
IndividualCOTTONWOOD HEIGHTS, UT
$4,000
May 5, 2024
5
VON STEIN, THOMSON
IndividualROCKVILLE, MD
$3,500
Aug 7, 2024
6
HULL, MEGAN
SELFACTIVIST
IndividualWASHINGTON, DC
$3,300
Nov 2, 2024
7
KAISER, GEORGE
GBK CORPORATIONEXECUTIVE
IndividualTULSA, OK
$3,300
Oct 25, 2024
8
PARSONS, KATHLEEN
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualPOTOMAC, MD
$3,300
Oct 18, 2024
9
STAPLE, HARISE
SELFMD
IndividualLOS ALTOS, CA
$3,300
Oct 18, 2024
10
HOLMES, LAURA
SELFREAL ESTATE INVESTOR
IndividualBOCA RATON, FL
$3,300
Oct 22, 2024

Rep. Goldman, Craig A. [R-TX-12]

ID: G000601

Top Contributors

10

1
ALLEN BOONE HUMPHRIES ROBINSON LLP
OrganizationHOUSTON, TX
$3,300
Dec 21, 2023
2
THE CHICKASAW NATION
OrganizationADA, OK
$3,300
May 23, 2024
3
BENDA, ROBERT D.
WESTWOOD CONTRACTORS INC.CEO
IndividualFORT WORTH, TX
$6,600
Nov 9, 2023
4
BENDA, ROBERT D.
WESTWOOD CONTRACTORS INC.CEO
IndividualFORT WORTH, TX
$6,600
Nov 9, 2023
5
CAMPBELL, CODY
DOUBLE EAGLE ENERGYFOUNDER AND CO-CEO
IndividualFORT WORTH, TX
$6,600
Dec 31, 2023
6
CAMPBELL, CODY
DOUBLE EAGLE ENERGYFOUNDER AND CO-CEO
IndividualFORT WORTH, TX
$6,600
Dec 31, 2023
7
HOLM, NELSON
RENEGADE SWISHPARTNER
IndividualFORT WORTH, TX
$6,600
Nov 13, 2023
8
HOLM, NELSON
RENEGADE SWISHPARTNER
IndividualFORT WORTH, TX
$6,600
Nov 13, 2023
9
KLEINHEINZ, BURKE
WELLTOWERINVESTMENTS
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$6,600
Dec 21, 2023
10
KLEINHEINZ, BURKE
WELLTOWERINVESTMENTS
IndividualDALLAS, TX
$6,600
Dec 21, 2023

Rep. McDonald Rivet, Kristen [D-MI-8]

ID: M001237

Top Contributors

10

1
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
OrganizationCHEROKEE, NC
$3,300
Nov 5, 2024
2
SAULT STE. MARIE TRIBE OF CHIPPEWA INDIANS
OrganizationSAULT SAINTE MARIE, MI
$3,300
Oct 30, 2024
3
MATCH-E-BE-NASH-SHE-WISH BAND OF POTTAWATOMI INDIANS
OrganizationSHELBYVILLE, MI
$2,500
Oct 25, 2024
4
MS BAND OF CHOCTAW INDIANS
OrganizationCHOCTAW, MS
$1,000
Oct 29, 2024
5
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$1,000
Aug 5, 2024
6
SAULT STE. MARIE TRIBE OF CHIPPEWA INDIANS
OrganizationSAULT SAINTE MARIE, MI
$500
Aug 6, 2024
7
TAYLOR, DONZEL
IndividualSAGINAW, MI
$4,105
Sep 22, 2024
8
GANDHI, MILAN
SEFL EMPLOYEDADMINISTRATOR
IndividualSOUTHFIELD, MI
$3,550
Mar 28, 2024
9
WILCOX, ALLISON
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualMIDLAND, MI
$3,350
Jun 14, 2024
10
ALTMAN, LYNDA CARTER
POTOMAC PRODUCTIONSACTRESS
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Nov 1, 2024

Rep. Tran, Derek [D-CA-45]

ID: T000491

Top Contributors

10

1
FEHER, ERICA
FEHER LAWMARKETING
OrganizationTORRANCE, CA
$3,300
Feb 22, 2024
2
COTCHETT, PITRE & MCCARTHY LLP
OrganizationBURLINGAME, CA
$1,700
Jul 7, 2024
3
BRACAMONTES VLASAK, PC
OrganizationOAKLAND, CA
$1,000
Mar 31, 2024
4
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$1,000
Aug 27, 2024
5
SOSNICK, AARON
IndividualRENO, NV
$3,392
Jun 24, 2024
6
ABIR, DANNY
ACTS LAW FIRMATTORNEY
IndividualENCINO, CA
$3,300
Oct 2, 2023
7
ABRON, BYRON
BYRON ABRONATTORNEY
IndividualLOS ANGELES, CA
$3,300
Oct 2, 2023
8
ARDALAN, PEZHMAN CHRISTOPHER
ARDALAN & ASSOCIATES, APLCATTORNEY
IndividualTHOUSAND OAKS, CA
$3,300
Oct 2, 2023
9
AREVALO, KRISTY
MCCUNE LAW GROUPATTORNEY
IndividualUPLAND, CA
$3,300
Oct 1, 2023
10
BABBITT, GREGORY
AUTO FRAUD LEGAL CENTERATTORNEY
IndividualSAN DIEGO, CA
$3,300
Nov 24, 2023

Rep. Min, Dave [D-CA-47]

ID: M001241

Top Contributors

10

1
SYCUAN BANK OF KUMEYAAY NATION
OrganizationEL CAJON, CA
$3,300
Jun 30, 2023
2
SANTA ROSA RANCHERIA
OrganizationLEMOORE, CA
$3,300
Jun 11, 2024
3
SANTA ROSA RANCHERIA
OrganizationLEMOORE, CA
$3,300
Jun 11, 2024
4
YOCHA DEHE WINTUN NATION
OrganizationBROOKS, CA
$3,300
Sep 25, 2023
5
YOCHA DEHE WINTUN NATION
OrganizationBROOKS, CA
$3,300
Jul 11, 2024
6
BARONA BANK OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLAKESIDE, CA
$2,500
Jun 30, 2023
7
VIEJAS BANK OF KUMEYAAY INDIANS
OrganizationALPINE, CA
$2,500
Jun 30, 2023
8
SYCUAN BANK OF KUMEYAAY NATION
OrganizationEL CAJON, CA
$2,000
Jun 30, 2023
9
SYCUAN BANK OF KUMEYAAY NATION
OrganizationEL CAJON, CA
$1,300
Jun 30, 2023
10
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$1,000
Aug 5, 2024

Rep. Lee, Susie [D-NV-3]

ID: L000590

Top Contributors

10

1
EMILY'S LIST
CONDUIT TOTAL LISTED IN AGG. FIELD
PACWASHINGTON, DC
$250
Feb 13, 2024
2
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
Jun 27, 2023
3
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
Jun 27, 2023
4
TIGUA INDIAN RESERVATION YSLETA DEL SUR PUEBLO
OrganizationEL PASO, TX
$3,000
Dec 31, 2023
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,650
Jun 5, 2023
6
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$1,650
May 9, 2024
7
BARONA BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationLAS VEGAS, NV
$1,500
Jun 30, 2024
8
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$1,000
Dec 28, 2023
9
RENO SPARKS INDIAN COLONY
OrganizationRENO, NV
$1,000
Jun 21, 2024
10
BRONZE CAFE
OrganizationLAS VEGAS, NV
$550
Mar 30, 2023

Rep. Craig, Angie [D-MN-2]

ID: C001119

Top Contributors

10

1
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Oct 30, 2023
2
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
May 23, 2024
3
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
OrganizationCHEROKEE, NC
$3,300
Oct 28, 2024
4
PRAIRIE ISLAND TRIBAL COUNCIL
OrganizationWELCH, MN
$3,300
Oct 21, 2024
5
AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY
OrganizationMARICOPA, AZ
$3,300
Mar 31, 2023
6
AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY
OrganizationMARICOPA, AZ
$2,500
Sep 24, 2024
7
THE MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$1,000
Jun 30, 2024
8
FISCHER, FRANK
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualATHERTON, CA
$6,600
Mar 21, 2024
9
MAKOWER, JOSH
STANFORD UNIVERSITYPROFESSOR
IndividualLOS ALTOS HILLS, CA
$6,600
Mar 19, 2024
10
BOWEN, DAVID
NOT EMPLOYEDRETIRED
IndividualSAN FRANCISCO, CA
$6,600
Apr 22, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 57 nodes and 35 connections (47 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $136,673

Top Donors - Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8]

Showing top 20 donors by contribution amount

20 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 2 harmed.

  • Big Tech Platformsconfidence 0.90

    Section 2(a) requires the FTC to report on minors' ability to access fentanyl via social media platforms, examining platform design features, marketing, sales, and policies. This implies potential regulatory scrutiny or pressure on social media companies to change practices, which could impose costs (e.g., compliance, redesign, enforcement). Section 2(b) mandates consultation with social media platforms, and Section 2(c) allows redaction of law enforcement-sensitive info, indicating the bill tar

  • Telecommunicationsconfidence 0.60

    Section 2(a)(6)(B)(i) explicitly excludes 'a provider of broadband internet access service' from the definition of 'social media platform,' clarifying that telecom/ISP carriers are not subject to the report's focus. While not directly harmed, the exclusion suggests the bill's scrutiny is limited to edge platforms, not infrastructure. However, telecoms could face indirect pressure if broader interpretations arise; confidence is lower due to lack of direct impact.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Evans, Gabe [R-CO-8])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate63.0%
Pages: 908-910

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority.

Introduction

Moderate63.0%
Pages: 908-910

— 875 — Federal Trade Commission Protecting Children Online. The FTC has long protected children in a variety of different contexts. Internet platforms profit from obtaining information from children without parents’ knowledge or consent—and social media’s effect on the well-being of American children is well-documented. Around 2012, American teens experienced a dramatic decline in wellness. Depression, self-harm, suicide attempts, and suicide all increased sharply among U.S. adolescents between 2011 and 2019,16 with similar trends worldwide.17 The increase occurred at the same time that social media use moved from rare to ubiquitous among teens,18 making social media a prime suspect for the sudden rise in mental health issues among teens. In addition, excessive social media use is strongly linked to mental health issues among individuals. Several studies strongly support the notion that social media use is a cause, not just a correlation, of subjective well-being and poor mental health.19 Social media and other large platforms form millions of contracts every year with American children. And even though a minor can void most contracts into which he or she enters, most jurisdictions have laws that hold minors accountable for the benefits received under the contract. Thus, children can make enforceable contracts for which parents could end up bearing responsibility. Targeting chil- dren to create potentially harmful contracts or making parents responsible for such contractual relationships is an unfair trade practice. The FTC, therefore, has the authority, interest, and duty to protect children online from such contractual relationships. l The FTC should examine platforms’ advertising and contract- making with children as a deceptive or unfair trade practice, perhaps requiring written parental consent. Currently, the Child Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA)20 regulates the information internet firms can obtain from children. COPPA fails because it (1) only protects children under the age of 13, leaving older teenagers completely unprotected and (2) only prohibits platforms from collecting information from a child using “actual knowledge” rather than abiding by the “constructive knowledge” standard, which prohibits collecting information from a user reasonably assumed to be underage. The FTC has rulemaking authority under this statute but has done little with this authority, nor can it—given the statutory constraints. However, l The FTC can and should institute unfair trade practices proceedings against entities that enter into contracts with children without parental consent. Personal parental responsibility is, of course, key, but the law must respect, not undermine, lawful parental authority. — 876 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Other conservatives are more skeptical concerning the effect of online expe- rience on the young, comparing the concern about social media to concern about video games, television, and bicycle safety. They point out, as does Cato fellow Jeffrey A. Singer, that the psychiatric profession has yet to designate “internet addiction” or “social media addiction” as a mental disorder in the authoritative Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR).21 These con- servatives also maintain that calling for regulation undermines conservatives’ calls for parental empowerment on education or vaccines as well as personal parenting responsibility. In addition, some of the methods used to regulate children’s internet access pose the risk of unintended harms. For instance, age verification regulations would inevitably increase the amount of data collection involved, increasing privacy con- cerns. Users would have to submit to platforms proof of their age, which raises the risks of data breach or illegitimate data usage by the platforms or bad actors. Limited-government conservatives would prefer the FTC play an educational role instead. That might include best practices or educational programs to empower parents online. Antitrust Enforcement. As is evidenced by a relentless focus on bringing Big Tech lawsuits, state attorneys general (AGs) are far more responsive to their con- stituents than is the FTC. Such a “boots on the ground” approach would benefit the FTC enormously. Practically, this would mean establishing a distinct role in the FTC Chairman’s office focused on state AG cooperation and inviting state AGs to Washington, D.C., to discuss enforcement policy in key sectors under the FTC’s jurisdiction: Big Tech, hospital mergers, supermarket mergers, and so forth. FTC regional offices are substantially more in touch with local issues. Over the past few decades, the reach and influence of regional offices has shrunk dramati- cally. The FTC should consider returning authority to these offices. Some conservatives however are less supportive of this idea. Conservative enthusiasm for the idea of adding regional FTC offices to the states is a break from the majority conservative position. Endorsing the federal government as a pre- mier job creator runs counter to decades of conservative opinion that holds that New Deal agencies and subsequent government bodies should never have been created in the first place, and that their red tape and interference is a dominant cause of economic inefficiency. Republicans used to seethe when Democrats tried to move federal offices into the states. In the early 1990s, House Minority Whip Newt Gingrich fumed about Senator Robert Byrd’s campaign to transfer certain national intelligence facilities to West Virginia, calling it a “pure abuse of power.” Some contributors to this chapter would remind conservatives that the unseen mechanics of redistribution—by which taxpayer money paid to state employees is taken from taxpayers nationwide—is a drag on the economy of the entire country. Many conservatives fear that it would be impossible to uproot or even prune back

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

Full Policy Text

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