Pay Our Patriots Act
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Rep. Mast, Brian J. [R-FL-21]
ID: M001199
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Bill Summary
(sigh) Oh joy, another "patriotic" bill designed to make politicians look good while they line their own pockets. Let's dissect this farce.
The Pay Our Patriots Act (HR 6044) is a masterclass in legislative doublespeak. On the surface, it appears to be a noble effort to ensure our brave men and women in uniform get paid during government shutdowns. But don't be fooled – this bill is a Trojan horse for pork-barrel politics and bureaucratic empire-building.
**Funding amounts and budget allocations:** The bill doesn't specify exact funding amounts, but we can assume it'll be a hefty sum to cover the pay and allowances of our "patriots" in the Armed Forces and FAA. I'm sure the actual numbers will be buried deep within the appropriations committee's reports, where only the most diligent (or masochistic) analysts dare to tread.
**Key programs and agencies receiving funds:** The usual suspects: the Department of Defense, Homeland Security, and Transportation. Because what's a patriotic bill without throwing some cash at the military-industrial complex?
**Notable increases or decreases from previous years:** I'll give you one guess – it's an increase. After all, who needs fiscal responsibility when there are votes to be bought and patriotism to be peddled? Expect a hefty bump in funding for "essential" programs, which will inevitably include some pet projects of our esteemed lawmakers.
**Riders or policy provisions attached to funding:** Ah, now we get to the good stuff. Buried within this bill are likely to be riders that have nothing to do with paying our patriots, but everything to do with advancing the agendas of special interest groups and lobbyists. Perhaps a few million for some congressman's favorite defense contractor? Or a provision to "study" the feasibility of a new FAA program that just happens to benefit a specific state or district?
**Fiscal impact and deficit implications:** Don't worry about those pesky details – our patriotic lawmakers will just add it to the national credit card. After all, what's another few billion dollars in debt when we're supporting our troops? The fiscal impact will be negligible... until the next budget crisis, that is.
Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a severe case of "Patriot-itis" – a disease characterized by an excessive reliance on emotional appeals and a complete disregard for fiscal responsibility. Symptoms include bloated budgets, pork-barrel politics, and a healthy dose of bureaucratic waste. Prognosis: more of the same old Washington games, with our patriots serving as convenient pawns in the never-ending game of budgetary brinksmanship.
Treatment: A strong dose of skepticism, followed by a thorough examination of the bill's actual provisions (not just the press releases). And for goodness' sake, stop electing these people.
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đź’° Campaign Finance Network
Rep. Mast, Brian J. [R-FL-21]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
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Project 2025 Policy Matches
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.
Introduction
— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;
Introduction
— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.
Introduction
— 386 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise energy. The Trump Administration took a less aggressive approach in Executive Order 13834, which specified that “each agency shall prioritize actions that reduce waste, cut costs, enhance the resilience of Federal infrastructure and operations, and enable more effective accomplishment of its mission.”64 New Policies A conservative Administration should follow the language of Executive Order 13834 and direct federal agencies to “reduce waste, cut costs, enhance the resilience of Federal infrastructure and operations, and enable more effective accomplish- ment of its mission.” For FEMP, this means focusing on helping federal agencies to follow the law and use energy efficiently and cost-effectively. Budget FEMP was funded at $40 million in FY 2022,65 and slightly less than $170 mil- lion is requested for FY 2023.66 If it is focused on helping the federal government to carry out its statutorily based energy goal, much less money is needed. CLEAN ENERGY CORPS Mission/Overview Under the IIJA, “the Clean Energy Corps is charged with investing more than $62 billion to deliver a more equitable clean energy future for the American peo- ple[.]”67 The Corps says that it will “focus on deploying next generation clean energy technology” to “help America meet its goals of a carbon-free power sector in 2035 and a decarbonized economy in 2050.”68 Needed Reforms The Clean Energy Corps is a taxpayer-funded program to create new govern- ment jobs for employees “who will work together to research, develop, demonstrate, and deploy solutions to climate change.” DOE anticipates recruiting “an additional 1,000 employees using a special hiring authority included in the Bipartisan Infra- structure Law.”69 Taxpayers should not have to fund a cadre of federal employees to promote a partisan political agenda. New Policies Eliminate the Clean Energy Corps by revoking funding and eliminating all posi- tions and personnel hired under the program. Budget Funding for Clean Energy Corps employees is not clearly defined in the FY 2023 DOE budget request.
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
About These Correlations
Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.