FARE Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/6012
Last Updated: November 18, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Moulton, Seth [D-MA-6]

ID: M001196

Follow the money

The bill

FARE Act

HR. 6012, 119th Congress — read as touching Airlines.

The sponsor

Rep. Moulton, Seth [D-MA-6]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$132,500 raised

21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

70% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Department of Transportation" section, p. 661-663 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

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Committee Review

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Floor Action

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Passed Senate

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House Review

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Passed Congress

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Became Law

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1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. The FARE Act, a bill so cleverly crafted that it's almost as if they want us to believe it's about fairness. Please.

Let's dissect this farce. The bill's primary function is to prohibit the restriction of commercial flights before private flights during a lapse in appropriations. Ah, yes, because the real issue here is not the fact that our government can't even manage its own finances, but rather that some rich folks might be inconvenienced by having their private jets grounded.

Now, let's look at the "definitions" section, where we find a beautifully crafted example of bureaucratic doublespeak. A commercial flight is defined as a regularly scheduled flight operated by a passenger common carrier, while a private aircraft flight is defined as... well, anything that's not a commercial flight, basically. How convenient.

Moving on to the meat of the bill, Section 3, we find that the FAA can't restrict commercial flights during a lapse in appropriations unless it also prohibits all private aircraft flights in the same area. Ah, but there are exceptions, of course! Because who needs consistency when you have loopholes? These exceptions include public safety purposes, government business, military or diplomatic purposes, medical reasons, agricultural purposes... and my personal favorite: "the provision of humanitarian, nutritional, or emergency relief, including in response to a natural disaster." You know, because nothing says "humanitarian" like a private jet flying into a disaster zone.

Now, let's talk about the funding. Ah, yes, the bill doesn't actually allocate any funds. It simply prohibits the restriction of commercial flights without providing any additional resources to support this new policy. Brilliant! It's like they're trying to create a logistical nightmare while simultaneously pretending to care about fairness.

In terms of fiscal impact, this bill is a masterclass in creative accounting. By not allocating any actual funds, the sponsors can claim that it won't increase the deficit... while ignoring the fact that it will inevitably lead to increased costs and inefficiencies down the line.

And let's not forget the pièce de résistance: the title of the bill itself. The "Fair Aviation in Restrictions and Emergencies Act" or FARE Act. Oh, how clever. It's almost as if they're trying to convince us that this bill is about fairness, rather than just another example of legislative malpractice.

In conclusion, the FARE Act is a textbook example of how not to write legislation. It's a mess of contradictions, loopholes, and bureaucratic doublespeak, all wrapped up in a neat little package with a bow on top. Bravo, Congress. You've managed to create a bill that's both pointless and damaging at the same time. That takes skill.

Diagnosis: Terminal case of legislative stupidity, complicated by acute symptoms of corruption, cowardice, and greed. Prognosis: Poor. Treatment: None available,

Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Moulton, Seth [D-MA-6]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$132,500
21 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$500
Committees
$0
Individuals
$132,000

No PAC contributions found

1
KARLA'S MARKET
1 transaction
$500

No committee contributions found

1
BLOOM, BRADLEY
1 transaction
$6,600
2
BREDENBERG, DIANE M.
1 transaction
$6,600
3
SHAH, NIRAJ
1 transaction
$6,600
4
CORCORAN, JAMES
1 transaction
$6,600
5
D'AMICO, ALEXANDER
1 transaction
$6,600
6
HASTINGS, MARK
1 transaction
$6,600
7
LEDLEY, CHARLES H.
1 transaction
$6,600
8
PEELER, DAVID RANDY
1 transaction
$6,600
9
SHORTSLEEVE, BRIAN
1 transaction
$6,600
10
LEACH, HAROLD H JR
1 transaction
$6,600
11
MURPHY, DAVID
1 transaction
$6,600
12
MURPHY, LAUREN
1 transaction
$6,600
13
CHAN, RENEE
1 transaction
$6,600
14
HOOPER, HERB H.
1 transaction
$6,600
15
PAYSON, JONATHAN M.
1 transaction
$6,600
16
SEDKY, HERVE
1 transaction
$6,600
17
SHORTSLEEVE, JOHN K.
1 transaction
$6,600
18
SHORTSLEEVE, SUSAN S.
1 transaction
$6,600
19
O'NEIL, KATHRYN P.
1 transaction
$6,600
20
NICHOLS, JOHN
1 transaction
$6,600

Donor Network - Rep. Moulton, Seth [D-MA-6]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

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Showing 40 nodes and 21 connections (47 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $132,500

Top Donors - Rep. Moulton, Seth [D-MA-6]

Showing top 21 donors by contribution amount

1 Org20 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped, 1 harmed.

  • +Airlinesconfidence 0.90

    Section 3(a) prohibits FAA from reducing or temporarily prohibiting commercial flights due to a lapse in appropriations unless private aircraft flights are also prohibited in the same area for the same period. This protects commercial passenger airlines from flight restrictions during government shutdowns, providing a clear benefit.

  • Section 3(b) lists exceptions where the prohibition does not apply, including private aircraft flights for public safety, government business, military/diplomatic, medical, agricultural, meteorological/scientific, humanitarian relief, or cargo purposes. This limits the ability to restrict private flights (often used by private equity/hedge fund executives for business travel) during appropriations lapses, imposing a potential cost on private flight operators and their clients.

Who funds the sponsor on these industries

For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Moulton, Seth [D-MA-6])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.

Industries this bill HARMS

  • from 12 contributions
    • KLARMAN, SETH$9,900
    • GORDON, CHRISTOPHER$6,600
    • BAILEY, JAMES$6,600
    • BEKENSTEIN, JOSHUA$6,600
    • GORDON, CHRIS$6,600

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.

Department of Transportation

Moderate
Vector: 63%
Pages: 661-663AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The FARE Act aims to protect commercial flight continuity during funding lapses, which aligns with Project 2025's goal of making air travel more affordable and abundant by preventing unnecessary disruptions. However, it does not address broader Project 2025 objectives such as increasing competition, supporting joint ventures, or reforming aviation consumer protection processes."

Key themes:commercial aviation continuityFAA regulationflight restrictions during appropriations lapsesaffordable air travel

— 629 — Department of Transportation l Revoke the special waiver granted to California by the Biden Administration. California has no valid basis under the Clean Air Act to claim an extraordinary or unique air quality impact from carbon dioxide emissions, and EPCA is clear that under no circumstances may a state agency regulate fuel economy in place of DOT. The federal government should therefore exercise its preemptive authority over CARB and take all steps necessary to invalidate any inconsistent fuel economy requirements imposed by CARB, including its ban on sales of internal combustion engines. FEDERAL HIGHWAY ADMINISTRATION The Federal Highway Administration (FHWA) has jurisdiction over the inter- state highway system, which is vital for the transportation of goods and people throughout the country. The FHWA, in conjunction with state DOTs, works to ensure the quality and safety of highways and bridges. However, over the course of decades, presidential Administrations and Con- gress have caused the FHWA to go beyond its original mission. The variety of infrastructure projects now eligible for funding through the FHWA include fer- ryboat terminals, hiking trails, bicycle lanes, and local sidewalks. In many cases, such projects should be the sole responsibility of local or state governments, not dependent on FHWA funding. For local projects, federal involvement adds red tape and bureaucratic delays rather than value. The Biden Administration has broadened the FHWA’s scope by emphasizing the priorities of progressive activists instead of pursuing practical goals. These policies include a focus on “equity,” a nebulous concept that in practice means awarding grants to favored identity groups, as well as imposing obligations on states concern- ing carbon dioxide emissions from highway traffic—areas not encompassed within FHWA’s statutory authorities. Furthermore, the Biden Administration’s embrace of the “Vision Zero” approach to safety often means actively seeking congestion for automobiles to reduce speeds. Finally, the Administration has sought to use a “guidance memo” to impose policies not enacted by Congress, most notably to make it harder for growing states to expand highway capacity. Instead, the next Administration should: l Seek to refocus the FHWA on maintaining and improving the highway system. l Remove or reform rules and regulations that hamper state governments. l Reduce the amount of federal involvement in local infrastructure decisions. — 630 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise AVIATION Americans value the ability to travel safely and inexpensively by air. In the United States, the private sector has developed the world’s safest, most effective passenger and cargo air transport networks. Current policies threaten to undo that legacy and to strangle the development of new technologies such as drones and “advanced air mobility,” including small aircraft to serve as air taxis or to conduct quiet vertical flights. Starting in the 1970s, deregulation and increased competition turned air travel from a luxury to an affordable travel option enjoyed by most Americans. The United States has four major airlines, each with roughly 20 percent of the domestic market. They compete with each other over the vast majority of routes. Several smaller carriers provide additional competition and other options for travelers. The current Administration’s policies are self-contradictory. In order to pla- cate specific labor groups, the Biden Administration not only opposes the growth of the major airlines, which would reduce the price of air travel, but also opposes measures—such as low-fare foreign competition and joint ventures of smaller U.S. carriers—that would increase competition. Another problematic area is aviation consumer protection. Congress has autho- rized DOT to prohibit specific “unfair and deceptive practices” in the airline industry after undertaking a hearing process—authority exercised by the Office of Aviation Consumer Protection within the General Counsel’s Office. Beginning with the Obama Administration, this authority has been used to justify broad new regulations—in the name of achieving “fair” competition—that would impose burdensome disclosure mandates and other costly requirements without a sufficient process for gathering supporting evidence. The Trump Administration reformed the process for issuing such “unfair and deceptive practices” rules,9 but the Biden Administration promptly reversed those reforms.10 A new Administration should restore them. In general, the next Administration should focus its efforts on making air travel more affordable and abundant, increasing safety, increasing competition to benefit the flying public, and removing obstacles to the rapid deployment of emerging aviation technologies that hold the promise of improved safety, compe- tition, opportunity, and growth. To achieve a more level playing field and increase options for the traveling public, the next Administration should: l Publicly indicate that a new Administration would support joint- venture efforts by smaller carriers (for example, Jet Blue and Spirit) to achieve scale necessary to reduce costs and compete more effectively with the larger carriers. l Review foreign ownership and control limitations and, if necessary, work with Congress to change existing statutes. Worldwide investors

Department of Transportation

Weak
Vector: 64%
Pages: 664-666AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The FARE Act focuses on flight restriction fairness during appropriations lapses, while Project 2025's DOT section emphasizes FAA reform, foreign investment, slot allocation, pilot training, and ending EAS subsidies—topics not addressed in the bill."

Key themes:Federal Aviation Administration (FAA)aviation policyflight operations

— 631 — Department of Transportation are providing access to capital to foreign airlines for innovations and new equipment purchases that U.S. airlines cannot match. The U.S. should use the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) process to keep out nefarious foreign actors while allowing investment from investors in designated like-minded countries so long as U.S.-based investors maintain plurality ownership. l Establish a New Entry Initiative that commits the federal government to approving or rejecting the applications of new air carriers within 12 months. l Initiate a rulemaking to allocate slot-pairs more consistently to airlines at capacity-controlled airports on the primary basis of safety, maximizing capacity, and competition. In a perfect world, the market would dictate these options, but in the highly regulated international aviation sector, the current incentives are to keep out com- petitors. Slot regulations have not been updated since the 1990s. Well-meaning legislation and the pilot shortage are adversely affecting aviation safety. In the wake of the 2009 Colgan Airlines crash, all commercial pilots and copilots were required to have 1,500 flight hours. Today, facing a pilot shortage, larger and safer twin-engine planes with two pilots are being phased out of service at smaller airports and replaced by single-engine planes that have only one pilot. This trend could be reversed if copilots were required to have fewer flight hours or could count certified simulator training. Federal subsidies are also distorting the commercial market. The Essential Air Service (EAS) program subsidizes flights to 200 small airports that are not otherwise commercially viable. The program was established in the 1970s as a temporary measure to cushion deregulation. It has since been made permanent. Finally ending the program would free hundreds of pilots to serve larger markets with more passengers. A new Administration could reform regulations to encour- age airports in lower-served areas of the nation. International air travel is regulated and restricted by individual treaties between the United States and other countries. The new Administration should remain committed to the laudatory goal of “Open Skies.” However, many of the largest emerging markets are not fully open, and our aviation policies should reflect that reality and ensure that U.S. air carriers compete on a level playing field. Specifically, so long as U.S. carriers are not able to fly over Russian airspace, the U.S. should not allow foreign carriers serving markets in East Asia and South Asia to enjoy a com- petitive advantage by continuing to allow them to fly to the U.S. China has failed to put in place several of the policies to which it has already agreed; the U.S. should — 632 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise not offer additional negotiations until the Chinese implement the agreements they have already signed. The current Administration’s policies in several areas that affect aviation and limit America’s future opportunities for growth are internally inconsistent. In addition to a New Entry Initiative, the new Administration should establish an interagency clearinghouse to drive consistent policies across the government on spectrum, drones, and advanced air mobility. FEDERAL AVIATION ADMINISTRATION With a budget of $18.6 billion requested for FY 202311 and an international regulatory footprint, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) is DOT’s most visible mode. It needs reform. Air traffic control (ATC) operations account for two-thirds of FAA’s budget, and the Air Traffic Organization (ATO) is far behind its counterparts in Australia, Canada, and Western Europe in implementing 21st century technology. The FAA’s primary mission is ATC; its two smaller functions are distributing federal airport grants and regulating all aspects of aviation safety. The FAA was once considered the world’s best government aviation agency. Those days are long past. In the more than five decades since 1958 when the Federal Aviation Agency (precursor to the Federal Aviation Administration) was formed, there have been notable developments in air traffic control technology, aircraft avionics, and engine reliability, but despite many well-intentioned attempts, there have been few changes in the FAA’s funding structure. The FAA is still improperly organized and financed, and the management reforms provided in the late 1990s remain largely unused. The FAA is 10 years older than DOT. It provides two separate and functionally different services: the world’s largest and most complex Air Navigation Service Provider (ANSP) and, at the same time, the world’s largest civil aviation regulatory and certificatory agency. The first is a 24/7/365 air traffic service provider. The second is an inherently governmental organization responsible for ensuring that aerospace operators, vehicles, airports, and ANSPs are properly certified and follow all FAA regulations. These two different organizations ought to run separately. The FAA is the only modern Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) in the world that does not assess fees for its services. Its funding structure, subject to the annual appropriations process, stifles efficiency and innovation—and the FAA does not innovate well. It spends too much time and money on research and development (R&D) and is not very good at either one. It should get out of the R&D business and focus on testing, evaluating, and certifying private-sector innovation much more quickly than it does today. The FAA workforce needs to modernize. The agency needs safety and certifi- cation experts, not professional airframe and powerplant mechanics (A&Ps). It

Department of Transportation

Weak
Vector: 63%
Pages: 664-666AI Enhanced

AI Analysis:

"The FARE Act focuses on a narrow procedural fairness issue regarding flight restrictions during appropriations lapses, while Project 2025 calls for broad FAA structural, funding, and technological reforms; they share only a general concern for FAA oversight of aviation."

Key themes:FAAaviation regulationappropriations lapseflight restrictionspolicy reform

— 632 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise not offer additional negotiations until the Chinese implement the agreements they have already signed. The current Administration’s policies in several areas that affect aviation and limit America’s future opportunities for growth are internally inconsistent. In addition to a New Entry Initiative, the new Administration should establish an interagency clearinghouse to drive consistent policies across the government on spectrum, drones, and advanced air mobility. FEDERAL AVIATION ADMINISTRATION With a budget of $18.6 billion requested for FY 202311 and an international regulatory footprint, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) is DOT’s most visible mode. It needs reform. Air traffic control (ATC) operations account for two-thirds of FAA’s budget, and the Air Traffic Organization (ATO) is far behind its counterparts in Australia, Canada, and Western Europe in implementing 21st century technology. The FAA’s primary mission is ATC; its two smaller functions are distributing federal airport grants and regulating all aspects of aviation safety. The FAA was once considered the world’s best government aviation agency. Those days are long past. In the more than five decades since 1958 when the Federal Aviation Agency (precursor to the Federal Aviation Administration) was formed, there have been notable developments in air traffic control technology, aircraft avionics, and engine reliability, but despite many well-intentioned attempts, there have been few changes in the FAA’s funding structure. The FAA is still improperly organized and financed, and the management reforms provided in the late 1990s remain largely unused. The FAA is 10 years older than DOT. It provides two separate and functionally different services: the world’s largest and most complex Air Navigation Service Provider (ANSP) and, at the same time, the world’s largest civil aviation regulatory and certificatory agency. The first is a 24/7/365 air traffic service provider. The second is an inherently governmental organization responsible for ensuring that aerospace operators, vehicles, airports, and ANSPs are properly certified and follow all FAA regulations. These two different organizations ought to run separately. The FAA is the only modern Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) in the world that does not assess fees for its services. Its funding structure, subject to the annual appropriations process, stifles efficiency and innovation—and the FAA does not innovate well. It spends too much time and money on research and development (R&D) and is not very good at either one. It should get out of the R&D business and focus on testing, evaluating, and certifying private-sector innovation much more quickly than it does today. The FAA workforce needs to modernize. The agency needs safety and certifi- cation experts, not professional airframe and powerplant mechanics (A&Ps). It — 633 — Department of Transportation needs to hire people trained to oversee mechanics, engineers, and pilots. It is time to consider promoting the FAA’s top executive team from within and requiring strict professional requirements for its top appointees. Organizations such as the FAA whose sole responsibility is public safety should be fully auditable and led by experts in their field or industry with oversight from DOT leadership. For 60 years, the FAA was the global leader in aerospace, from general aviation to commercial space, but the U.S. lead has vanished. The FAA’s overly bureaucratic, legalistic, byzantine, and more recently hyperpoliticized way of processing regu- lations, adopting innovation, publishing rules, and procuring new technologies has been eclipsed by foreign CAAs and ANSPs that are eagerly certifying drones and creating environments in which new technologies and new entrants, such as air taxis, can thrive. To regain America’s global leadership in aviation, the next Administration should: l Separate the FAA from DOT or, at a minimum, separate the ATO from the FAA. l Completely restructure the FAA’s funding system so that the nation’s aviation system is not held prisoner to annual appropriations or used as a political football to solve nonaviation problems. l Require the FAA to operate more like a business. The FAA has not made good use of the unique authority it has been given in areas like personnel and acquisition. In Europe, conventional control towers are being replaced by digital/remote towers with high-resolution cameras and other sensors on tall structures and at points adjoining runways. In Germany and Scandinavia, as many as 15 small air- ports can be controlled from one remote tower center. The FAA has yet to certify a single digital/remote tower. Text messaging between controllers and pilots is widespread over the oceans. The ATO began to implement what is now called DataComm in 2002 but sus- pended the project in 2003. This was restarted at airport control towers in 2016, but as of October 2022, it was available in only seven of the 20 high-altitude control centers. Current technology enables flights to be managed “anywhere from anywhere,” but the ATO resists consolidating its 20 aging centers into a much smaller number—and lacks the funds to consolidate them. The FAA as regulator and the ATO as traffic manager have no plans in place to handle millions of drones and other emerging technologies such as electric vertical take-off and landing (eVTOL) aircraft.

Showing 3 of 5 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.

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