The bill
American Decade of Sports Act
HR. 5021, 119th Congress — read as touching Entertainment & Streaming.
Sponsored by
Rep. Kamlager-Dove, Sydney [D-CA-37]
ID: K000400
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 5021, 119th Congress — read as touching Entertainment & Streaming.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
28 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Homeland Security" section, p. 201-204 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 46 - 3.
December 2, 2025
📍 Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the geniuses in Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The American Decade of Sports Act (HR 5021) claims to promote "sports diplomacy" by leveraging major sporting events in the US to enhance soft power, diplomatic relationships, and global leadership. How quaint. In reality, it's a thinly veiled attempt to justify more bureaucratic waste, cronyism, and pork-barrel spending.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill creates an "Office of Sports Diplomacy" within the Department of State, because what every government needs is another redundant agency. It also requires the development of a 5-year sports diplomacy strategy, which will undoubtedly be a bloated, jargon-filled document that accomplishes nothing. Other provisions include partnering with local host cities, diaspora communities, and private sector entities to "showcase United States national strengths" – code for "line the pockets of wealthy donors and lobbyists."
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects: politicians looking for photo ops, corporate sponsors seeking to exploit the events for marketing purposes, and bureaucrats eager to expand their fiefdoms. Oh, and let's not forget the athletes and their families, who will be subjected to an "expeditious and secure visa process" – because nothing says "diplomacy" like a Kafkaesque bureaucratic nightmare.
**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill will achieve precisely what it sets out to do: waste taxpayer money on pointless diplomatic gestures, enrich a select few, and further erode the public's trust in government. The "sports diplomacy strategy" will be a meaningless exercise in self-aggrandizement, while the Office of Sports Diplomacy will become a dumping ground for incompetent bureaucrats and cronies. Meanwhile, the actual benefits of international sports competitions – cultural exchange, people-to-people connections, and economic growth – will be lost in the noise of bureaucratic posturing.
In conclusion, HR 5021 is a textbook example of legislative malpractice: a pointless, self-serving exercise in political grandstanding, designed to benefit the powerful and well-connected at the expense of the taxpayer. It's a disease, really – a metastasizing tumor of corruption, incompetence, and cynicism that threatens to consume what's left of our democratic institutions. Now, if you'll excuse me, I have better things to do than watch this train wreck unfold.
Rep. Kamlager-Dove, Sydney [D-CA-37]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: H001058
Top Contributors
10
ID: M001137
Top Contributors
10
ID: M001157
Top Contributors
10
ID: M001219
Top Contributors
10
ID: S000168
Top Contributors
10
ID: L000599
Top Contributors
10
ID: C001127
Top Contributors
10
ID: L000582
Top Contributors
10
ID: T000468
Top Contributors
10
ID: A000380
Top Contributors
10
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 75 nodes and 43 connections (73 secondary connections hidden)
Total contributions: $176,650
Showing top 22 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 4 helped.
Section 2(b)(2) mentions partnering with creatives and Section 3(a)(6) mentions elevating American arts, film, and music creators to promote cultural exchange, which benefits the entertainment and streaming industry.
Section 2(b)(2) includes partnering with private sector entities, which could include big tech platforms involved in sports broadcasting, streaming, or digital engagement around sporting events.
Section 2(b)(4) calls for an expeditious and secure visa process for athletes and visitors, which may increase demand for communication services, and Section 3(a)(7) involves coordinating visa processing, potentially benefiting telecom providers supporting international visitors.
Section 2(b)(2) includes partnering with civil society stakeholders, which may encompass labor unions involved in event staffing, hospitality, or construction related to hosting sporting events.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Kamlager-Dove, Sydney [D-CA-37])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on sports diplomacy through the Department of State to enhance U.S. soft power and global engagement, which aligns with Project 2025's goal of reforming the State Department to better serve the President's foreign policy agenda, though the bill does not address bureaucratic reform or ideological alignment concerns raised in the Project 2025 text."
— 169 — Department of Homeland Security 19. U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Inspector General, Management Directive No. 0810.1, June 10, 2004, https://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/foia/mgmt_directive_0810_1_the_office_of_inspector_general. pdf (accessed March 15, 2023). 20. H.R. 5005, Homeland Security Act of 2002, Public Law No. 107-296, 107th Congress, November 25, 2002, https://www.congress.gov/bill/107th-congress/house-bill/5005 (accessed January 18, 2023). — 171 — 6 DEPARTMENT OF STATE Kiron K. Skinner The U.S. Department of State’s mission is to bilaterally, multilaterally, and regionally implement the President’s foreign policy priorities; to serve U.S. citizens abroad; and to advance the economic, foreign policy, and national security interests of the United States. Since the U.S. Founding, the Department of State has been the American gov- ernment’s designated tool of engagement with foreign governments and peoples throughout the world. Country names, borders, leaders, technology, and people have changed in the more than two centuries since the Founding, but the basics of diplomacy remain the same. Although the Department has also evolved throughout the years, at least in the modern era, there is one significant problem that the next President must address to be successful. There are scores of fine diplomats who serve the President’s agenda, often helping to shape and interpret that agenda. At the same time, however, in all Administrations, there is a tug-of-war between Presidents and bureaucracies— and that resistance is much starker under conservative Presidents, due largely to the fact that large swaths of the State Department’s workforce are left-wing and predisposed to disagree with a conservative President’s policy agenda and vision. It should not and cannot be this way: The American people need and deserve a diplomatic machine fully focused on the national interest as defined through the election of a President who sets the domestic and international agenda for the nation. The next Administration must take swift and decisive steps to reforge the department into a lean and functional diplomatic machine that serves the
AI Analysis:
"Both the bill and the Project 2025 State Department section aim to strengthen U.S. diplomatic relationships and partnerships through State Department-led initiatives, though the bill employs sports diplomacy as a soft‑power tool while Project 2025 emphasizes core security, economic, and human rights engagement and avoiding divisive cultural policies."
— 187 — Department of State United States, but at least some of them would eventually try if allowed to consolidate their operations and plan such attacks. The immediate threat they pose lies in their abilities and willingness to strike American targets in their regions of operation or to harm U.S. interests in other ways. The U.S. should support capable African military and security operations through the State Department and other federal agencies responsible for granting foreign military education, training, and security assistance. l Build a coalition of the cooperative. Rather than thinning limited federal resources by spreading funds across all countries (including some that are unsupportive or even hostile to the United States,) the next Administration should focus on those countries with which the U.S. can expect a mutually beneficial relationship. After being designated focus countries by the State Department, such nations should receive a full suite of American engagement. That said, the next Administration should still maintain a baseline level of contact even with those countries with which it has less- than-fruitful relationships in order to encourage positive developments and to be in position to seize unexpected diplomatic opportunities as they arise. l Focus on core diplomatic activities, and stop promoting policies birthed in the American culture wars. African nations are particularly (and reasonably) non-receptive to the U.S. social policies such as abortion and pro-LGBT initiatives being imposed on them. The United States should focus on core security, economic, and human rights engagement with African partners and reject the promotion of divisive policies that hurt the deepening of shared goals between the U.S. and its African partners. Europe American foreign policy has long benefited from cooperation with the countries of Europe (generally, the EU), and any conservative Administration should build on this resource. Yet the transatlantic relationship is complex, with security, trade, and political dimensions. First, the Europe, Eurasia, and Russia region is made up of relatively wealthy and technologically advanced societies that should be expected to bear a fair share of both security needs and global security architecture: The United States cannot be expected to provide a defense umbrella for countries unwilling to contribute appropriately. At stake after 2024 will be examining the status of the Wales Pledge of 2 percent of gross domestic product toward defense by NATO members. The new Administration will also want to encourage nations to exceed that pledge. Second, transatlantic trade is a significant part of the global economy, and it is in the U.S. national interest to amplify it, especially because this means weaning
AI Analysis:
"The bill focuses on sports diplomacy and cultural exchange, while the Project 2025 policy emphasizes treaty oversight, constitutional alignment, and countering China—there is minimal thematic overlap beyond general State Department reform."
— 175 — Department of State numerous logistical challenges in negotiating, approving, and implementing trea- ties and agreements. This is particularly true under the Biden Administration. For example, under the Biden Administration, the State Department was considered sufficiently unreliable in terms of alignment and effectiveness such that its political leadership invoked its Circular 175 (C-175) authority to delegate its diplomatic capacity to other agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security. At time of publication, the State Department is negotiating (or seeking to nego- tiate) large-scale, sovereignty-eroding agreements that could come at considerable economic and other costs to the American people. Although such agreements should be evaluated and approved as are treaties, the Biden Administration is likely to simply call them “agreements.” The Biden State Department not only approves but also enforces treaties that have not been ratified by the U.S. Senate. This practice must be thoroughly reviewed—and most likely jettisoned. The next President should recalibrate how the State Department handles trea- ties and agreements, primarily by restoring constitutionality to these processes. He or she should direct the Secretary of State to freeze any ongoing treaty or inter- national agreement negotiations and assess whether those efforts align with the new President’s foreign policy direction. The next Administration should also direct the secretary to order an immediate stand-down on enforcement of any treaties that have not been ratified by the Senate, and order a thorough review of the degree to which such enforcement has impacted the department’s functions, policies, and use of resources. The Secretary of State, in cooperation with the Office of the Attorney General and the White House Counsel’s Office, should also conduct a review to identify “agreements” that are really treaty commitments within the ordinary public mean- ing of the Constitution,6 and suspend compliance pending presidential transmittal of those agreements to the Senate for advice and consent. The next Administration should also move to withdraw from treaties that have been under Senate consider- ation for 20 years or more, with the understanding that those treaties are unlikely to be ratified. Under circumstances in which ratification of a stale treaty before the Senate still serves national interests, the treaty letter of transmittal and sub- mission should be updated for current circumstances. The Secretary of State must revoke most outstanding C-175 authorities that have been granted to other agen- cies during previous Administrations, although such revocations should be closely coordinated with the White House for logistical reasons. Coordinate with Other Agencies. Interagency engagement in this new environment must be similarly adjusted to mirror presidential direction. Indeed, coordination among federal agencies is challenging even in the most well-oiled Administrations. Although such coordination is inescapable and sometimes produc- tive, agencies tend to leverage each other’s resources in ways that occasionally have off-mission consequences for the agency or agencies with the resources. Ideally, the — 176 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Secretary of State should work as part of an agile foreign policy team along with the National Security Advisor, the Secretary of Defense, and other agency heads to flesh out and advance the President’s foreign policy. Bureaucratic stovepipes of the past should be less important than commitment to, and achievement of, the President’s foreign policy agenda. The State Department’s role in these interagency discussions must reflect the President’s clear direction and disallow resources and tools to be used in any way that detracts from the presidentially directed mission. Coordinate with Congress. Congress has both the statutory and appropri- ations authority to impact the State Department’s operations and has a strong interest in key aspects of American foreign policy. The department must therefore take particular care in its interaction with Congress, since poor interactions with Congress, regardless of intentions, could trigger congressional pushback or have other negative impacts on the President’s agenda. This will require particularly strong leadership of the Department of State’s Bureau of Legislative Affairs. The Secretary of State and political leadership should ensure full coordination with the White House regarding congressional engage- ment on any State Department responsibility. This may lead to, for example, the President authorizing the State Department to engage with Members of Congress and relevant committees on certain issues (including statutorily designated con- gressional consultations), but to remain “radio silent” on volatile or designated issues on which the White House wants to be the primary or only voice. All such authorized department engagements with Congress must be driven and handled by political appointees in conjunction with career officials who have the relevant expertise and are willing to work in concert with the President’s political appoin- tees on particularly sensitive matters. Respond Vigorously to the Chinese Threat. The State Department recently opened the Office of China Coordination, or “China House.” This office is intended to bring together experts inside and outside the State Department to coordinate U.S. government relations with China “and advance our vision for an open, inclu- sive international system.”7 Whether China House will streamline U.S. government communication, consensus, and action on China policy—given the presence of other agencies with strong competing or adverse interests—remains to be seen. The unit is dependent on adequate and competent staff being assigned by other bureaus within the State Department. Nonetheless, the concept is one a Republican Administration should support mutatis mutandis. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has been “at war” with the U.S. for decades. Now that this reality has been accepted throughout the gov- ernment, the State Department must be prepared to lead the U.S. diplomatic effort accordingly. The centralization of efforts in one place is critical to this end. Review Immigration and Domestic Security Requirements. Arguably, the department’s most noteworthy challenge on the global stage has been its handling
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.