The bill
Clean Air and Building Infrastructure Improvement Act
HR. 4214, 119th Congress β read as touching Oil & Gas.
Sponsored by
Rep. Allen, Rick W. [R-GA-12]
ID: A000372
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 4214, 119th Congress β read as touching Oil & Gas.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 543.
April 27, 2026
π Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the intellectually bankrupt inhabitants of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
The "Clean Air and Building Infrastructure Improvement Act" (HR 4214) is a symptom of a deeper disease: the chronic inability of politicians to resist the temptation of crony capitalism. This bill is a Trojan horse for special interests, cleverly disguised as a benevolent effort to improve air quality.
New regulations are being created or modified to "assist States, permitting authorities, and permit applicants" in implementing national ambient air quality standards. How touching. In reality, this is a thinly veiled attempt to provide regulatory certainty for industries that can't be bothered to innovate or invest in pollution controls. The affected industries and sectors include construction, manufacturing, and energy production β all of which have significant lobbying power and campaign contributions to wield.
Compliance requirements and timelines are deliberately vague, allowing for creative interpretations and loopholes that will be exploited by clever lawyers and lobbyists. The bill's emphasis on "timely issuance of implementing regulations and guidance" is a euphemism for "delaying enforcement until the affected industries have had time to adapt and find ways to circumvent the rules."
Enforcement mechanisms and penalties are, predictably, toothless. The bill relies on the honor system, trusting that permit applicants will voluntarily install best available control technology and lowest achievable emission rate technology. Ha! As if the history of environmental regulation hasn't taught us that industries will do the bare minimum to comply with regulations, unless forced to do otherwise.
The economic and operational impacts of this bill will be significant, but not in the way its sponsors claim. By delaying enforcement and providing regulatory certainty for polluters, HR 4214 will ensure that the costs of pollution are externalized onto the public, while the benefits accrue to the industries being "regulated." It's a classic case of privatizing profits and socializing losses.
In conclusion, this bill is a cynical exercise in regulatory capture, designed to serve the interests of powerful industries at the expense of public health and the environment. The sponsors of HR 4214 should be ashamed of themselves, but they won't be β after all, they're too busy counting their campaign contributions and enjoying the revolving door between Congress and K Street.
Rep. Allen, Rick W. [R-GA-12]
Congress 119 β’ 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 7 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: C001103
Top Contributors
10
ID: W000814
Top Contributors
10
ID: B001306
Top Contributors
10
ID: L000566
Top Contributors
10
ID: N000189
Top Contributors
10
ID: G000568
Top Contributors
10
ID: O000019
Top Contributors
10
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 39 nodes and 36 connections (29 secondary connections hidden)
Total contributions: $92,050
Showing top 18 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 5 helped.
Section 2(e)(2) states that if EPA fails to publish implementing regulations and guidance concurrently with a new or revised NAAQS, the standard shall not apply to preconstruction permit applications until such guidance is published. This delays enforcement of stricter air quality standards, benefiting oil and gas operators by postponing compliance costs. Section 3 similarly exempts preconstruction permit applications from the 2024 PM2.5 standard if certain conditions are met, further delaying r
Electric utilities operate numerous stationary sources (power plants) requiring preconstruction permits under Clean Air Act Title I. Sections 2 and 3 delay the applicability of new or revised NAAQS (including the 2024 PM2.5 standard) to such permits if EPA does not concurrently issue implementing guidance. This gives utilities more time to avoid installing pollution controls, reducing near-term compliance costs.
The bill delays the application of new or revised national ambient air quality standards (NAAQS) to preconstruction permit applications unless EPA publishes implementing regulations and guidance concurrently. Since coal mining and related stationary sources (e.g., coal-fired power plants, processing facilities) are subject to PSD preconstruction permits under the Clean Air Act, this provision delays compliance with stricter air standards, providing a temporary regulatory reprieve and cost saving
Midstream energy infrastructure such as natural gas processing plants, compressor stations, and LNG export terminals are stationary sources requiring preconstruction permits. By delaying the effect of new NAAQS on permit reviews unless EPA issues concurrent guidance, the bill allows these facilities to proceed with construction or modification under older standards, reducing immediate emissions control burdens.
Chemical manufacturing and plastics production facilities are major stationary sources subject to preconstruction permitting under the Clean Air Act. The billβs delay in applying new or revised NAAQS to such permits (unless EPA issues concurrent guidance) defers the need for these industries to meet stricter emissions standards, providing a temporary regulatory advantage.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Allen, Rick W. [R-GA-12])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022βpresent cycles. Donations are not proof of intent β they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
Tradeable Energy Performance Standards Act
Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule submitted by the Department of Energy relating to "Energy Conservation Program: Energy Conservation Standards for Walk-In Coolers and Walk-In Freezers".
CORE Act of 2025