Combatting International Drug Trafficking and Human Smuggling Partnership Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/4071
Last Updated: November 20, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Guest, Michael [R-MS-3]

ID: G000591

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Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The bill's title, "Combatting International Drug Trafficking and Human Smuggling Partnership Act of 2025," sounds like a noble endeavor. But don't be fooled – it's just a fancy name for "We're going to throw more money at the problem and hope it goes away." The real purpose is to expand U.S. Customs and Border Protection's (CBP) operations in foreign countries, because what could possibly go wrong with that?

**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill amends the Homeland Security Act of 2002 to allow CBP employees to conduct joint operations with foreign governments, provide support for monitoring and tracking illicit activities, and engage in emergency humanitarian efforts. Oh, and it also allows the Secretary to pay claims for damages arising from these operations in foreign countries. Because, you know, we need more opportunities for bureaucrats to write checks.

**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects are involved: CBP, foreign governments, and the taxpayers who will foot the bill for this boondoggle. But let's not forget the real stakeholders – the defense contractors, private security firms, and other parasites that will feast on the taxpayer-funded gravy train.

**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a classic case of "mission creep." It's a small step towards further militarizing our borders, expanding the surveillance state, and creating more opportunities for corruption and abuse. The "emergency humanitarian efforts" provision is particularly laughable – it's just a euphemism for "we'll do whatever we want, whenever we want, under the guise of helping people."

In conclusion, this bill is a symptom of a deeper disease: the insatiable appetite for power, money, and control that afflicts our political class. It's a cynical attempt to exploit public fears about crime and terrorism while lining the pockets of special interests. But hey, at least it'll create some jobs – for lobbyists, bureaucrats, and defense contractors.

Diagnosis: Terminal stupidity, with a side of corruption and greed. Prognosis: More of the same, until we're all bankrupt and begging for mercy.

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Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.

Introduction

Moderate 68.9%
Pages: 587-589

— 555 — Department of Justice 1. Rigorously prosecute as much interstate drug activity as possible, including simple possession of distributable quantities.46 Recent efforts to create the impression that drug possession crimes are not serious offenses has contributed to the explosion of criminal organization activities in the United States. 2. Aggressively deploy the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO),47 which Congress expressly created to empower the Department of Justice to treat patterns of intrastate- level crimes, such as robbery, extortion, and murder, as federal criminal conduct for criminal organizations and networks. The next Administration can use existing tools while it works with Congress to develop new tools. l Secure the border,48 which is the key entry point for many criminal organizations and their supplies, products, and employees. Mexico— which is arguably functioning as a failed state run by drug cartels—is the main point of transit for illegal drugs produced in Central and South America, fentanyl precursors from the Chinese Communist Party–led People’s Republic of China,49 weapons, human smuggling and trafficking, and other contraband. Mexican drug cartels, including the dominant Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG), are the main drivers of fentanyl production and distribution in the United States. The southwestern land border is sufficiently porous that Mexican drug cartels have operational control of large sections of the border, which facilitates easy movement of product and personnel. These cartels are also violent and not afraid to demonstrate force on both sides of the border. Their conduct represents a clear and present danger to the United States and its citizens. In addition to finalizing the southwestern land border wall, the next Administration should take a creative and aggressive approach to tackling these dangerous criminal organizations at the border. This could include use of active-duty military personnel and National Guardsmen to assist in arrest operations along the border—something that has not yet been done. A new and forceful approach to interdiction will have a ripple effect on the operations of these criminal organizations, which currently operate freely without concern for criminal prosecution, and will lay the necessary groundwork for initial prosecutions of these organizations and their leaders. It is critical that the federal government staunch the flow of drugs by preventing the far-too-easy access to the United States that now exists. — 556 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise There can be no serious dispute that the Biden Administration has opened the southwest border to whomever wants to enter and that some of those entrants are smuggling fentanyl into the country. More than 100,000 Americans died in a one-year period from opioid overdoses, and many of them died specifically from having used fentanyl.50 The federal government should treat this problem as aggressively as necessary. Enforcing the customs and immigration laws is a matter of life and death. PURSUING A NATIONAL SECURITY AGENDA AIMED AT EXTERNAL STATE AND NON-STATE ACTORS, NOT U.S. CITIZENS EXERCISING THEIR CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS The Department of Justice plays a vital role in protecting our national security, and it must not refrain from engaging in public initiatives that identify our adver- saries and educate the American people about their activities. The DOJ’s China Initiative under President Trump reflected the department’s priority of combating Chinese threats to our national security.51 Because China was accountable for approximately 80 percent of all prosecutions for economic espionage and approximately 60 percent of all thefts of trade secrets, then-At- torney General Jeff Sessions set key goals for the China Initiative that included development of an enforcement strategy concerning researchers in labs and universities who were being coopted into stealing critical U.S. technologies, iden- tification of opportunities to address supply-chain threats more effectively, and education of colleges and universities about potential threats from Chinese influ- ence efforts on campus. In February 2022, the Biden Administration terminated the department’s China Initiative largely out of a concern for poor “optics.”52 While the Biden Administra- tion correctly identified China as America’s “only competitor with both the intent to reshape the international order and, increasingly, the economic, diplomatic, military, and technological power to do it,”53 it folded in the face of political cor- rectness and sent the message that liberal sensitivities outweighed bringing justice to threats from China. The next conservative Administration should therefore: l Restart the China Initiative. l Pursue other programs to educate the American people about the real and dangerous threats to our national security and economic security that are posed by actors across the globe, most notably China and Iran. l Ensure that it is agile enough to devote sufficient resources and attention to other emerging threats that involve federal interests

Introduction

Moderate 60.9%
Pages: 742-744

— 710 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise in-house law enforcement capabilities via the return of the United States Coast Guard and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives. Bringing these agencies back from the Department of Homeland Security and the Depart- ment of Justice, respectively, would allow Treasury, in the case of U.S. Coast Guard, to increase border security via a vigilance with respect to economic crimes (for example, drug smuggling and tax evasion). U.S. Trade and Development Agency. Congress should eliminate the U.S. Trade and Development Agency (USTDA). The USTDA is intended to help com- panies create U.S. jobs through the export of U.S. goods and services for priority development projects in emerging economies. The USTDA links U.S. businesses to export opportunities by funding project planning activities, pilot projects, and reverse-trade missions while creating sustainable infrastructure and economic growth in partner countries. These activities more properly belong to the private sector. The best way to promote trade and development is to reduce tariff and non-tariff trade barriers. Another way is to reduce the federal budget deficit, and thereby federal borrowing from abroad, freeing more foreign dollars to be spent on U.S. exports instead of federal treasury bonds. Other Issues. Many Treasury Department issues cut across multiple parts of Treasury or other governmental agencies. Several are discussed in this chapter, but not all can be covered here in depth. Other issues of concern include China, cybersecurity, digital assets, digital services taxes, international debt defaults, Iran, Social Security and Medicare Trust Funds and private sector pensions, sanctions policy, and treasury auction and debt issuance. AUTHORS’ NOTE: The preparation of this chapter was a collective enterprise of individuals involved in the 2025 Presidential Transition Project. All contributors to this chapter are listed at the front of this volume, but Monica Crowley, Tom Dans, John Berlau, Austin Bramwell, Preston Brashers, Alexandra Harrison Gaiser, Nathan Hitchen, Adam Korzeniewski, and Jonathan Moy deserve special mention. The authors alone assume responsibility for the content of this chapter, and no views expressed herein should be attributed to any other individual. — 711 — Department of the Treasury ENDNOTES 1. EJ Antoni, “Biden Keeps Making Claims About the Economy That Just Aren’t True. These Facts Don’t Lie,” Heritage Foundation Commentary, February 8, 2023, https://www.heritage.org/markets-and-finance/ commentary/biden-keeps-making-claims-about-the-economy-just-arent-true-these. 2. “Fidelity 2022 Retirement Analysis: In the Midst of Inflation and Uncertainty, Retirement Account Balances Are Rising,” table, “Average Retirement Account Balances,” February 23, 2023, https://newsroom.fidelity.com/ pressreleases/fidelity--2022-retirement-analysis--in-the-midst-of-inflation-and-uncertainty--retirement- account-ba/s/095bb4a8-cf3a-484e-a911-bc0c61c460ff (accessed March 22, 2023). 3. See U.S. Department of the Treasury, Fiscal Year 2022–2026 Strategic Plan and Budget Request for FY 2023, 2022, https://home.treasury.gov/system/files/266/COMBINED-CJ-Web-Version-FY-2023.pdf (accessed March 18, 2023). 4. U.S. Department of the Treasury, Agency Financial Report: Fiscal Year 2015, November 16, 2015, p.4 https:// home.treasury.gov/system/files/266/AFR-FY15-508.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 5. Domestic Finance, U.S. Department of the Treasury https://home.treasury.gov/about/offices/domestic-finance. 6. U.S. Constitution, art. I, sec. 9. 7. Ibid., p. ES 1. 8. Including direct and reimbursable employees. See ibid., “Fiscal Year Comparison of Full-Time Equivalent (FTE) Staffing (Direct and Reimbursable),” p. ES 4. 9. U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Offices,” https://home.treasury.gov/about/offices (accessed March 18, 2023). 10. U.S. Department of the Treasury, “Bureaus,” https://home.treasury.gov/about/bureaus (accessed March 18, 2023). 11. U.S. Department of the Treasury, Office of the Inspector General, “Overview,” https://oig.treasury.gov (accessed March 19, 2023). 12. William M (Mac) Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2021, Public Law 116–283, §§ 6001–6511. 13. See, for example, Timothy Vermeer, “The Impact of Individual Income Tax Changes on Economic Growth,” Tax Foundation Fiscal Fact No. 793, June 2022, https://files.taxfoundation.org/20220610142519/The-Impact-of- Individual-Income-Tax-Changes-on-Economic-Growth-2.pdf (accessed March 18, 2023), and Karel Mertens and José Luis Montiel Olea, “Marginal Tax Rates and Income: New Time Series Evidence,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 133, No. 4 (November 2018), pp. 1803–1884. 14. The current tax system is not neutral toward investment. This neutrality criterion is sometimes expressed as ensuring that the private rate of return equals the social rate of return, that the tax system does not raise the user cost of capital, that all factor incomes are taxed once and equally, that the tax system defines income properly, or that the tax is a consumption tax. For the basic user cost of capital analysis with taxes, see Robert E. Hall and Dale W. Jorgenson, “Tax Policy and Investment Behavior,” American Economic Review, Vol. 57, No. 3 (June, 1967), pp. 391–414, https://web.stanford.edu/~rehall/Tax-Policy-AER-June-1967.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). See also Kevin A. Hassett and Kathryn Newmark, “Taxation and Business Behavior: A Review of the Recent Literature,” in John W. Diamond and George R. Zodrow, eds., Fundamental Tax Reform: Issues, Choices, and Implications (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2008), and Alan J. Auerbach, “Taxation and Capital Spending,” University of California, Berkeley, September 2005, http://eml.berkeley.edu//~auerbach/capitalspending.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 15. Scott A. Hodge, “The Compliance Costs of IRS Regulations,” Tax Foundation Fiscal Fact No. 512, June 2016, https://files.taxfoundation.org/legacy/docs/TaxFoundation_FF512.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023), and Jason J. Fichtner and Jacob M. Feldman, “The Hidden Costs of Tax Compliance,” Mercatus Center, May 20, 2013, https:// papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2267971 (accessed March 19, 2023). 16. In formal terms, tax policy should seek to minimize the excess burden or deadweight loss of the tax system. See John Creedy, “The Excess Burden of Taxation and Why it (Approximately) Quadruples When the Tax Rate Doubles,” New Zealand Treasury Working Paper No. 03/29, December 2003, https://www.econstor.eu/ bitstream/10419/205534/1/twp2003-29.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). See also, for example, N. Gregory Mankiw, Principles of Economics, 4th ed. (South-Western College Pub, 2006), ch. 8, or many other textbooks on price theory, microeconomics, or principles of economics.

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.