The bill
National Law Enforcement Officers Remembrance, Support, and Community Outreach Act
HR. 309, 119th Congress — read as touching Law Enforcement & Surveillance Tech.
Sponsored by
Rep. Nehls, Troy E. [R-TX-22]
ID: N000026
Follow the money
The bill
HR. 309, 119th Congress — read as touching Law Enforcement & Surveillance Tech.
The sponsor
Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.
The money
21 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.
The alignment
This bill's text tracks the "Department of Justice" section, p. 599-601 of the Mandate for Leadership.
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Received in the Senate.
September 14, 2026
📍 Current Status
Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
**HR 309: National Law Enforcement Officers Remembrance, Support, and Community Outreach Act** *Or: How to Spend $42 Million on a Cop Museum While Pretending It’s About Healing*
Let’s cut through the gauze and get to the wound: this bill authorizes **$6 million per year for six fiscal years**—a cool **$36 million total**—to be granted to the **National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund** (the Fund) for the **National Law Enforcement Museum** in Washington, D.C. The Secretary of the Interior gets to play sugar daddy, doling out cash if the Fund jumps through the right hoops (application, review, no felonies—probably).
Now, the title? *National Law Enforcement Officers Remembrance, Support, and Community Outreach Act*. Sounds like a grief counselor’s dream. Reality? It’s a line-item earmark for a museum that already exists, dressed up in mourning ribbons and community policing cosplay. The Fund gets to use the money for everything short of buying a new fleet of patrol cars: memorializing fallen officers (nice), compiling fatality stats (useful), developing curricula (questionable), offering free admission to cops and families (fine), and—here’s the kicker—*dedicated free admission hours for the general public at least once a week*. Wow. One day a week. The public gets a bone. How generous.
Let’s talk about the museum itself. It’s a privately funded institution on Judiciary Square, already sucking down donations, ticket sales, and god knows what else. Now Uncle Sam’s chipping in to cover operating costs, program expansion, digitization, and “entrepreneurial, evidence-based, field-initiated innovations”—which is bureaucratese for “we’ll fund whatever shiny nonsense they pitch as long as it has the words ‘officer wellness’ in it.”
Are there increases from previous years? Who knows—this appears to be new mandatory-ish spending, subject to annual appropriations (so not really mandatory, just… hopeful). But $6 million a year is real money. That’s enough to fund a small city’s mental health crisis teams—or, you know, a really nice gift shop with interactive exhibits on police dogs.
As for riders? None explicitly listed. But the conditions are telling: free admission for cops and families (already implied in (b)(12)), and **mandatory annual federal audits** of the Fund’s finances—revenues, salaries, ticket sales, the whole shebang. That’s not oversight; that’s the Secretary of the Interior saying, “I don’t trust you not to launder this through a shell company called ‘Officer Wellness LLC.’” And honestly? Given the cozy relationship between law enforcement lobbying and congressional pork, that skepticism is warranted.
Fiscal impact? $36 million over six years. Not enough to break the bank, but enough to fund a dozen alternative response units or expand veteran outreach programs. Instead, we’re subsidizing a monument to the thin blue line that doubles as a taxpayer-funded indoctrination center with rotating exhibits on “sound pedagogy for teaching about law enforcement history.”
In short: this bill isn’t about remembrance. It’s about **legislative guilt-tripping**—using the sacred cow of fallen officers to justify funneling public money into a niche museum under the guise of community outreach. The real disease? The belief that throwing money at a museum will fix the rotting relationship between police and the public. Spoiler: it won’t. But it *will* keep the Fund’s lights on, and that’s apparently good enough for Congress.
Diagnosis: **Chronic avoidance of real reform, treated with a placebo grant and a press release.** Prognosis: poor. But hey—free admission Tuesdays!
Rep. Nehls, Troy E. [R-TX-22]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No organization contributions found
No committee contributions found
This bill has 10 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.
ID: P000613
Top Contributors
28
ID: S001212
Top Contributors
26
ID: C001059
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28
ID: B001285
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24
ID: L000578
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25
ID: H001077
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20
ID: T000488
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20
ID: M000194
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28
ID: V000129
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47
ID: B001291
Top Contributors
23
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 37 nodes and 37 connections
Total contributions: $37
Showing top 19 donors by contribution amount
Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 1 helped.
Section 3 authorizes grants to the National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund for operating and enhancing community outreach, public education, and officer safety and wellness programs of the National Law Enforcement Museum, which directly benefits law enforcement agencies and related surveillance/technology vendors by promoting officer safety, wellness training, and public engagement.
For each industry this bill affects, here's what the sponsor (Rep. Nehls, Troy E. [R-TX-22])received from donors associated with that industry during the 2022–present cycles. Donations are not proof of intent — they are a record of who funds the people writing the law.
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.AI-enhanced analysis provides detailed alignment ratings.
AI Analysis:
"H.R. 309 supports law enforcement through funding for a museum focused on officer safety, wellness, and public education, which aligns with Project 2025’s emphasis on strengthening law enforcement and ensuring grant funds support lawful actors. However, the bill does not involve DOJ grant oversight, vetting, or conditions tied to federal law compliance, limiting direct alignment."
— 566 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Consistent with appropriations from Congress, the OJP dispenses approxi- mately $7 billion in various grants. Block grants are given to a state to be awarded pursuant to federal regulations. Some funds to support law enforcement and victims of crime are awarded pursuant to block grants. But most OJP funds are awarded through discretionary grants—specific programs written into the budget by Congress. Although Congress dictates the way in which many grant awards are to be made, federal staff enjoy a tremendous amount of discretion in adding “conditions” and “priority points.” Grants operate with a carrot and a stick. To receive grant funding, a recipient must agree to certain conditions, which in many instances include the President’s priorities. For instance, under an anti–human trafficking grant during the Obama Administration (approximately $110 million in 2020), an awardee had to show a partnership with an LGBTQ organization and always have an interpreter on site. These conditions worked to change culture and overlayed President Obama’s priorities: support for the LGBTQ community and for more of the funding to go to areas with large immigrant populations. During the Trump Administration, a condition added to grants stated that an awardee had to comply with all federal law (stock language), including federal law regarding the exchange of information between federal and local authorities about an individual’s immigration status. This condition prevented law enforcement in “sanctuary cities” from receiving grant awards. While the Trump Administra- tion suffered a series of setbacks from several hostile courts, it obtained from the Second Circuit Court of Appeals a decision upholding the department’s authority to impose these conditions.92 To ensure that taxpayer-funded grants are prioritized and distributed properly, the next conservative Administration should: l Conduct an immediate, comprehensive review of all federal grant disbursals to ensure not only that the programs are being properly administered by the department, but also that the grant funding is being received and used properly by recipients. l Order an overhaul of the DOJ grant application process, to include more rigorous vetting of state, local, and private grant applicants and inclusion of more pre-application criteria to ensure baseline fitness and eligibility for federal grant dollars. This long-overdue enhancement of the grant application and issuance process will ensure that hard-earned taxpayer dollars are going only to lawful actors who support federal law enforcement and demonstrate the ability and willingness to engage in lawful activities.
AI Analysis:
"The bill supports law enforcement memorials, community outreach, and officer safety, while the Project 2025 DHS section focuses on immigration enforcement, FEMA reform, and CISA changes; the only connection is a general law enforcement theme, making the alignment weak."
— 153 — Department of Homeland Security l 287(g) program. Issue a memo prohibiting any jurisdiction that applies from being denied access to the program unless good cause is shown. l Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) priorities. Issue Department Management Directive (and ICE companion Directive) to refocus HSI on immigration offenses and criminal offenses typically associated with immigration (for example, human trafficking). All criminal investigative work without a clear nexus to the border or otherwise to Title 8 should be turned over to the appropriate federal agency. l Blackie’s Warrants. ICE OPLA, ERO, and HSI should issue a joint internal memo on operationalizing Blackie’s Warrants for immediate use on worksite enforcement and other appropriate investigations and operations. FEDERAL EMERGENCY MANAGEMENT AGENCY (FEMA) Needed Reforms FEMA is the lead federal agency in preparing for and responding to disasters, but it is overtasked, overcompensates for the lack of state and local preparedness and response, and is regularly in deep debt. After passage of the 1988 Stafford Act,12 the number of declared federal disasters rose dramatically as most disaster costs were shifted from states and local governments to the federal government. In addition, state-friendly FEMA regulations, such as a “per capita indicator,” failed to maintain the pace of inflation and made it easy to meet disaster declaration thresholds. This combination has left FEMA unprepared in both readiness and funding for the truly catastrophic disasters in which its services are most needed. Reform of FEMA requires a greater emphasis on federalism and state and local preparedness, leaving FEMA to focus on large, widespread disasters. Under the Stafford Act, FEMA has the authority to adjust the per capita indi- cator for damages, which creates a threshold under which states and localities are not eligible for public assistance. FEMA should raise the threshold because the per capita indicator has not kept pace with inflation, and this over time has effectively lowered the threshold for public assistance and caused FEMA’s resources to be stretched perilously thin. Alternatively, applying a deductible could accomplish a similar outcome while also incentivizing states to take a more proactive role in their own preparedness and response capabilities. In addition, Congress should change the cost-share arrangement so that the federal government covers 25 per- cent of the costs for small disasters with the cost share reaching a maximum of 75 percent for truly catastrophic disasters. FEMA is also responsible for the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP), nearly all of which is issued by the federal government. Washington provides — 154 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise insurance at prices lower than the actuarially fair rate, thereby subsidizing flood insurance. Then, when flood costs exceed NFIP’s revenue, FEMA seeks taxpay- er-funded bailouts. Current NFIP debt is $20.5 billion, and in 2017, Congress canceled $16 billion in debt when FEMA reached its borrowing authority limit. These subsidies and bailouts only encourage more development in flood zones, increasing the potential losses to both NFIP and the taxpayer. The NFIP should be wound down and replaced with private insurance starting with the least risky areas currently identified by the program. Budget Issues FEMA manages all grants for DHS, and these grants have become pork for states, localities, and special-interest groups. Since 2002, DHS/FEMA have provided more than $56 billion in preparedness grants for state, local, tribal, and territorial governments. For FY 2023, President Biden requested more than $3.5 billion for federal assistance grants.13 Funds provided under these programs do not provide measurable gains for preparedness or resiliency. Rather, more than any objective needs, political interests appear to direct the flow of nondisaster funds. The principles of federalism should be upheld; these indicate that states better understand their unique needs and should bear the costs of their particularized programs. FEMA employees in Washington, D.C., should not determine how bil- lions of federal tax dollars should be awarded to train local law enforcement officers in Texas, harden cybersecurity infrastructure in Utah, or supplement migrant shelters in Arizona. DHS should not be in the business of handing out federal tax dollars: These grants should be terminated. Accomplishing this, however, will require action by Members of Congress who repeatedly vote to fund grants for political reasons. The transition should focus on building resilience and return on investment in line with real threats. Personnel FEMA currently has four Senate-confirmed positions. Only the Administrator should be confirmed by the Senate; other political leadership need not be con- firmed by the Senate. Additionally, FEMA’s “springing Cabinet position” should be eliminated, as this creates significant unnecessary challenges to the functioning of the whole of DHS at points in time when coordinated responses are most needed. CYBERSECURITY AND INFRASTRUCTURE SECURITY AGENCY (CISA) Needed Reforms CISA is supposed to have two key roles: (1) protection of the federal civilian government networks (.gov) while coordinating the execution of national cyber defense and sharing information with non-federal and private-sector partners
AI Analysis:
"HR 309 focuses on funding for a law enforcement museum and community outreach programs, while the Project 2025 DOJ section emphasizes grant administration oversight, immigration enforcement, and conditioning federal funds on compliance with federal law. The only shared theme is general support for law enforcement, but the bill does not address the grant‑condition or immigration priorities central to the Project 2025 policy."
— 566 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Consistent with appropriations from Congress, the OJP dispenses approxi- mately $7 billion in various grants. Block grants are given to a state to be awarded pursuant to federal regulations. Some funds to support law enforcement and victims of crime are awarded pursuant to block grants. But most OJP funds are awarded through discretionary grants—specific programs written into the budget by Congress. Although Congress dictates the way in which many grant awards are to be made, federal staff enjoy a tremendous amount of discretion in adding “conditions” and “priority points.” Grants operate with a carrot and a stick. To receive grant funding, a recipient must agree to certain conditions, which in many instances include the President’s priorities. For instance, under an anti–human trafficking grant during the Obama Administration (approximately $110 million in 2020), an awardee had to show a partnership with an LGBTQ organization and always have an interpreter on site. These conditions worked to change culture and overlayed President Obama’s priorities: support for the LGBTQ community and for more of the funding to go to areas with large immigrant populations. During the Trump Administration, a condition added to grants stated that an awardee had to comply with all federal law (stock language), including federal law regarding the exchange of information between federal and local authorities about an individual’s immigration status. This condition prevented law enforcement in “sanctuary cities” from receiving grant awards. While the Trump Administra- tion suffered a series of setbacks from several hostile courts, it obtained from the Second Circuit Court of Appeals a decision upholding the department’s authority to impose these conditions.92 To ensure that taxpayer-funded grants are prioritized and distributed properly, the next conservative Administration should: l Conduct an immediate, comprehensive review of all federal grant disbursals to ensure not only that the programs are being properly administered by the department, but also that the grant funding is being received and used properly by recipients. l Order an overhaul of the DOJ grant application process, to include more rigorous vetting of state, local, and private grant applicants and inclusion of more pre-application criteria to ensure baseline fitness and eligibility for federal grant dollars. This long-overdue enhancement of the grant application and issuance process will ensure that hard-earned taxpayer dollars are going only to lawful actors who support federal law enforcement and demonstrate the ability and willingness to engage in lawful activities. — 567 — Department of Justice Ensuring Proper Enforcement and Administration of Our Immigration Laws. Although its role has changed over the years, most notably following the passage of the Homeland Security Act of 2002,93 the Department of Justice plays a crucial role in the enforcement and adjudication of our immigration laws.94 Its leadership and energy, however, have not always reflected the importance placed by Congress on the execution of that crucial mission. With a few notable exceptions, successful fulfillment of the department’s responsibilities with respect to immi- gration was largely neglected until the Trump Administration. The Department of Homeland Security may be the largest federal department with immigration responsibilities, but successful fulfillment of the responsibilities prescribed by the immigration laws is not possible without bold and dedicated action by the Department of Justice. The DOJ and its leadership must intentionally prioritize fulfillment of the department’s immigration-related responsibilities in the next conservative Admin- istration. This will be no small task, as these responsibilities play out across nearly every DOJ office and component. If they hope to fulfill their responsibilities as assigned by Congress and deliver results for the American people, the department and the Attorney General should: l Issue guidance to all U.S. Attorneys emphasizing the importance of prosecuting immigration offenses,95 and immigration-related offenses. The brunt of these offenses is born by districts along the southwestern border with Mexico, but the simple fact remains that immigration and immigration-related offenses are present in every district across the country. Successfully pursuing the priorities outlined in this chapter will require creative use of the various immigration and immigration-related authorities in close partnership with the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of State, and other appropriate federal entities depending on the situation. l Pursue appropriate steps to assist the Department of Homeland Security in obtaining information about criminal aliens in jurisdictions across the United States, particularly those inside “sanctuary” jurisdictions. l Examine and consider the appropriateness of withdrawing or overturning every immigration decision rendered by Attorney General Garland (and any successor Attorney General during President Biden’s term). The Attorney General should pick up where the Attorneys General under President Trump left off and exercise his or her authority to adjudicate cases and provide guidance in appropriate cases to
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
Policy matches are calculated using a hybrid approach: initial candidates are found using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text, then an AI model (Llama 3.1 70B) provides detailed alignment ratings and analysis. Ratings range from 1 (minimal alignment) to 5 (very strong alignment). This analysis does not imply direct causation or intent.