Honor Farmer Contracts Act
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Rep. Vasquez, Gabe [D-NM-2]
ID: V000136
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5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
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7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Bill Summary
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. The "Honor Farmer Contracts Act" - because nothing says "honor" like a bill that's 90% pork and 10% actual policy.
Let's dissect this farce, shall we? The total funding amount is conveniently absent from the text, but I'm sure it's just an oversight... or a clever attempt to hide the true cost of this boondoggle. After all, who needs transparency when you're "honoring farmer contracts"?
The key programs and agencies receiving funds are, of course, the Farm Service Agency (FSA) and the Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS). Because what's an agricultural bill without a healthy dose of bureaucratic bloat? The FSA gets to keep its county offices open, and the NRCS gets to maintain its field offices. I'm sure it has nothing to do with the fact that these agencies are located in key congressional districts.
Notable increases or decreases from previous years? Ha! Don't make me laugh. This bill is a masterclass in creative accounting. The language is deliberately vague, ensuring that no one can actually track where the money is going or how much is being spent. It's like trying to diagnose a patient with a symptoms list written in invisible ink.
Now, let's talk about riders and policy provisions. Ah, yes! The bill includes a lovely little gem: "not cancel any signed agreement or contract with a farmer or an entity providing assistance to farmers, unless the farmer or entity has failed to comply with the terms and conditions of the contract." Translation: we're going to keep paying out contracts that are likely wasteful, inefficient, or just plain corrupt. Because who needs accountability when you've got campaign donors to appease?
Fiscal impact and deficit implications? *chuckles* Oh, please. This bill is a fiscal time bomb waiting to happen. The unfrozen funding will inevitably lead to more spending, more waste, and more debt. But hey, who cares about the national debt when you can "honor farmer contracts"?
In conclusion, this bill is a textbook case of legislative malpractice. It's a symptom of a deeper disease: corruption, cronyism, and a complete disregard for fiscal responsibility. The sponsors of this bill should be ashamed of themselves, but I'm sure they'll just smile, pat each other on the back, and collect their campaign checks.
Diagnosis: Terminal Stupidity Syndrome (TSS), caused by excessive exposure to partisan politics and a severe lack of common sense. Prognosis: poor. Treatment: a healthy dose of skepticism, a strong stomach, and a willingness to call out the absurdity that is our legislative process.
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Project 2025 Policy Matches
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.
Introduction
— 294 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise to transforming the food system on its web site and other department-dis- seminated material, and it should expressly and regularly communicate the principles informing the objectives listed above, as well as promote these prin- ciples through legislative efforts. The USDA should also carefully review existing efforts that involve inappropriately imposing its preferred agricultural practices onto farmers. Address the Abuse of CCC Discretionary Authority. With the exception of federal crop insurance, the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) is generally the means by which agricultural-related farm bill programs are funded. The CCC is a funding mechanism, which, in simple terms, has $30 billion a year at its disposal.24 Section 5 of the Commodity Credit Corporation Charter Act (Charter Act)25 gives the Secretary of Agriculture broad discretionary authority to spend “unused” CCC money. However, in general, past Agriculture Secretaries have not used this power to any meaningful extent. This changed dramatically during the Trump Administration, when this discretionary authority was used to fund $28 billion in “trade aid” to farmers, consisting primarily of the Market Facilitation Program. In 2020, this authority was used for $20.5 billion in food purchases and income subsidies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.26 At the time, critics warned that this use of the CCC, which in effect created a USDA slush fund, would lead future Administrations to abuse the CCC, such as by pushing climate-change policies.27 Predictably, this is precisely what the Biden Administration has done, using the discretionary authority to create programs out of whole cloth, arguably without statutory authority,28 for what it refers to as climate-smart agricultural practices.29 The merits of the various programs funded through the CCC discretionary authority is not the focus of this discussion. The major problem is that the Secre- tary of Agriculture is empowered to use a slush fund. Billions of dollars are being used for programs that Congress never envisioned or intended. Concern about this type of abuse is not new. In fact, from 2012 to 2017, Congress expressly limited the Agriculture Secretary’s discretionary spending authority under the Charter Act.30 And this was before the recent massive discretionary CCC spending occurred. The use of the discretionary power is a separation of powers problem, with Congress abrogating its spending power. This power is ripe for abuse—as could be expected with any slush fund—and it is a possible way to get around the farm bill process to achieve policy goals not secured during the legislative process. The next Administration should: l Refrain from using section 5 discretionary authority. The USDA can address this abuse on its own by following the lead of most Administrations and not using this discretionary authority. — 295 — Department of Agriculture l Promote legislative fixes to address abuse. Ideally, Congress would repeal the Secretary’s discretionary authority under section 5 of the Charter Act. There is no reason to maintain such authority. If Congress needs to spend money to assist farmers, it has legislative tools, including the farm bill and the annual appropriations process, to do so in a timely fashion. While not an ideal solution, Congress could also amend the Charter Act to require prior congressional approval through duly enacted legislation before any money is spent. At a minimum, Congress should amend the Charter Act to: l Limit spending to directly help farmers and ranchers address issues due to unforeseen events not already covered by existing programs and that constitute genuine emergencies that must be addressed immediately. l Prohibit the CCC from being used to assist parties beyond farmers and ranchers. l Clarify that spending is only to address problems that are temporary in nature and ensure that funding is targeted to address such problems. l Tighten the discretion within section 5 and identify ways for improper application of the Charter Act to be challenged in court. Reform Farm Subsidies. Too often, agricultural policy becomes synonymous with farm subsidy policy. This is unfortunate, because making them synony- mous fails to recognize that agricultural policy covers a wide range of issues, including issues that are outside the proper scope of the USDA, such as environ- mental regulation. However, there is no question that farm subsidies are an important issue within agricultural policy that should be addressed by any incoming Adminis- tration. There are several principles that even subsidy supporters would likely agree upon, including the need to reduce market distortions. Subsidies should not influence planting decisions, discourage proper risk management and innovation, incentivize planting on environmentally sensitive land, or create barriers to entry for new farmers. Farm subsidies can lead to these market distortions and there- fore, it would hardly be controversial to ensure that any subsidy scheme should be designed to avoid such problems. The overall goal should be to eliminate subsidy dependence. Despite what might be conventional wisdom, many farmers receive few to no subsidies,31 with most subsidies going to only a handful of commodities. According to the Congres- sional Research Service (CRS), from 2014 to 2016, 94 percent of farm program
About These Correlations
Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.