Salary History Question Prohibition Act

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Bill ID: 119/hr/2219
Last Updated: April 6, 2025

Sponsored by

Del. Norton, Eleanor Holmes [D-DC-At Large]

ID: N000147

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Bill Summary

Another brilliant example of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?

The "Salary History Question Prohibition Act" is a masterclass in Orwellian doublespeak. The bill claims to prohibit employers from asking about prospective employees' salary history, but what it really does is create a new regulatory burden on businesses while pretending to help workers.

**New regulations being created or modified:** This bill amends the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 by inserting a new section that prohibits employers from relying on wage history in hiring decisions. Because, you know, employers were just dying to ask about salary history and oppress their employees with low wages. Please.

**Affected industries and sectors:** Every industry and sector will be affected, because who doesn't love more regulations? But let's be real, this bill is primarily aimed at large corporations, which will have to waste resources on compliance rather than, say, actually paying their employees a living wage.

**Compliance requirements and timelines:** Employers will need to update their hiring practices to avoid asking about salary history. They'll also need to train their HR staff to not ask the forbidden question. And if they slip up? Penalties, baby! (More on that later.)

**Enforcement mechanisms and penalties:** Ah, the fun part. The bill creates a new penalty structure for employers who dare to ask about salary history. First-time offenders will be fined $5,000, with subsequent offenses increasing by $1,000 each, up to $10,000. And if an employee or prospective employee feels oppressed, they can sue their employer for special damages and attorneys' fees.

**Economic and operational impacts:** This bill is a classic example of the "seen vs. unseen" problem in economics. The seen effect is that employers will stop asking about salary history. The unseen effects are the increased compliance costs, the potential for lawsuits, and the stifling of honest discussions between employers and employees about compensation.

In conclusion, this bill is a solution in search of a problem. It's a cynical attempt to pander to voters while actually helping no one. Employers will find ways to circumvent the regulations, and employees will still be stuck with low wages. But hey, at least we'll have more bureaucrats and lawyers making a living off this regulatory mess.

Diagnosis: Legislative Theater-itis, a disease characterized by grandstanding politicians, unnecessary regulations, and a complete disregard for economic reality. Treatment: a healthy dose of skepticism and a strong stomach.

Related Topics

Civil Rights & Liberties State & Local Government Affairs Transportation & Infrastructure Small Business & Entrepreneurship Government Operations & Accountability National Security & Intelligence Criminal Justice & Law Enforcement Federal Budget & Appropriations Congressional Rules & Procedures
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Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.

Introduction

Low 44.1%
Pages: 745-747

— 713 — Department of the Treasury David R. Burton “Towards a Global Tax Cartel?” Policy, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Summer 2002–2003), Center for Independent Studies (Australia), https://www.cis.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/images/stories/policy- magazine/2002-summer/2002-18-4-david-r-burton.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 33. Roberts et al., “Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD).” 34. See Inflation Reduction Act, § 10301. See also Preston Brashers, “IRS and Allies Downplay 87,000-Person Hiring Binge,” The Daily Signal, August 12, 2022, https://www.dailysignal.com/2022/08/12/the-irs-and-its- allies-downplay-87000-person-hiring-binge/ (accessed March 19, 2023). 35. U.S. Department of the Treasury, General Explanations of the Administration’s Fiscal Year 2022 Revenue Proposals, May 2021, pp. 88–89, https://home.treasury.gov/system/files/131/General-Explanations-FY2022.pdf (accessed March 19. 2023). 36. See U.S. Department of the Treasury, Fiscal Year 2022–2026 Strategic Plan. 37. U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Oversight and Reform, Policy and Supporting Positions, December 2020 (the “plumb book”), p. 127 https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-PLUMBOOK-2020/ pdf/GPO-PLUMBOOK-2020.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 38. Internal Revenue Service, “Organization and Top Officials,” https://www.irs.gov/pub/newsroom/marketing/ internet/irs-organization-chart.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). See also Internal Revenue Code (26 U.S. Code § 7803(a)–(b)). 39. For a summary of various GAO reports on various IRS IT problems, see Vijay A. D’Souza, “Information Technology: IRS Needs to Address Operational Challenges and Opportunities to Improve Management,” testimony before the Subcommittee on Government Operations, Committee on Oversight and Reform, U.S. House of Representatives, October 7, 2020, GAO–21–178T, https://www.gao.gov/assets/gao-21-178t. pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). Charles O. Rossotti was named IRS Commissioner by President Bill Clinton primarily so that Rossotti could address widely acknowledged IT issues. He made some improvements between 1997 and 2002, but despite large investments, he did not really resolve the IT problems at the IRS. Since that time, the problems have worsened. 40. D’Souza, “Information Technology,” figure 1, p. 5. 41. Internal Revenue Service, IRS Integrated Modernization Business Plan, April 2019, https://www.irs.gov/pub/ irs-pdf/p5336.pdf (accessed March 20, 2023). 42. See, for example, the Omnibus Taxpayers’ Bill of Rights, Public Law 100–647, Subtitle J of Title VI of the Technical and Miscellaneous Revenue Act of 1988; Taxpayer Bill of Rights 2, Public Law 104–168; IRS Restructuring and Reform Act of 1998, Public Law 105–206, Title III; Consolidated Appropriations Act, Public Law 114–113, Title IV, Subtitle A (adding Internal Revenue Code § 7803(a)(3) and other changes); and Taxpayer First Act, Public Law 116–25, Title I. 43. For a list of 68 proposed reforms, see National Taxpayer Advocate, 2022 Purple Book: Compilation of Legislative Recommendations to Strengthen Taxpayer Rights and Improve Tax Administration, December 31, 2021, https://www.taxpayeradvocate.irs.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/ARC21_PurpleBook.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). Most, though not all, of these proposals have merit. Regarding penalty reform, see Jeremiah Coder, “Achieving Meaningful Civil Tax Penalty Reform and Making It Stick,” Akron Tax Journal, Vol. 27 (2012), https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1153&context=akrontaxjournal (accessed March 19, 2023). 44. Internal Revenue Service, 2023 Congressional Budget Justification & Annual Performance Report and Plan, Rev. 3–2022, https://home.treasury.gov/system/files/266/Internal-Revenue-Service-FY-2023-CJ.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 45. Internal Revenue Service, 2021 IRS Data Book: October 1, 2020 to September 30, 2021, table 11, p. 26, https:// www.irs.gov/pub/irs-pdf/p55b.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 46. Ibid., 2021 IRS Data Book, table 2, p. 4. 47. Scott A. Hodge, “The Compliance Costs of IRS Regulations, Tax Foundation Fiscal Fact No. 512, June 2016 https://files.taxfoundation.org/legacy/docs/TaxFoundation_FF512.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 48. Organization for Economic Cooperation, The Multilateral Convention on Mutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters: Amended by the 2010 Protocol, https://read.oecd-ilibrary.org/taxation/the-multilateral- convention-on-mutual-administrative-assistance-in-tax-matters_9789264115606-en#page1 (accessed March 20, 2023). — 714 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 49. David Burton, “Two Little Known Tax Treaties Will Lead to Substantially More Identity Theft, Crime, Industrial Espionage, and Suppression of Political Dissidents,” Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 3087, December 21, 2015 file:///C:/Users/DRBar/Downloads/BG3087-3.pdf. 50. U.S. Department of the Treasury, “CFIUS Enforcement and Penalty Guidelines,” https://home.treasury. gov/policy-issues/international/the-committee-on-foreign-investment-in-the-united-states-cfius/cfius- enforcement-and-penalty-guidelines (accessed March 20, 2023). 51. John S. McCain National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, Public Law 115–232. Title XVII, https:// home.treasury.gov/sites/default/files/2018-08/The-Foreign-Investment-Risk-Review-Modernization-Act-of- 2018-FIRRMA_0.pdf (accessed March 20, 2023). 52. Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, Public Law 111–203. 53. Peter J. Wallison, “Title I and the Financial Stability Oversight Council,” in Norbert Michel, ed., The Case Against Dodd–Frank: How the “Consumer Protection” Law Endangers Americans, https://www.heritage.org/ government-regulation/report/the-case-against-dodd-frank-how-the-consumer-protection-law-endangers. 54. Norbert J. Michel, “Fixing the Dodd–Frank Derivatives Mess: Repealing Titles VII and VIII,” in Norbert Michel, ed., The Case Against Dodd–Frank: How the “Consumer Protection” Law Endangers Americans, Heritage Foundation, https://www.heritage.org/government-regulation/report/the-case-against-dodd-frank-how-the- consumer-protection-law-endangers. 55. Paul Kupiec, “Title II: Is Orderly Liquidation Authority Necessary to Fix ‘Too Big to Fail’?” in Michel, The Case Against Dodd–Frank. 56. Norbert J. Michel, “Money and Banking Provisions in the Financial CHOICE Act: A Major Step in the Right Direction,” in Prosperity Unleashed: Smarter Financial Regulation (Washington, DC: The Heritage Foundation, 2017), https://www.heritage.org/prosperity-unleashed#:~:text=Smarter%20financial%20regulations%3A%20 solutions%20to,and%20accountable%20than%20ever%20before. 57. Federal Housing Finance Agency, “Single Security Initiative and Common Securitization Platform,” https:// www.fhfa.gov/PolicyProgramsResearch/Policy/Pages/Securitization-Infrastructure.aspx (accessed March 20, 2023). 58. U.S. Department of the Treasury, Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, Congressional Budget Justification and Annual Performance Plan and Report, FY 2023, Table 1.1, p. 3, https://home.treasury.gov/system/ files/266/13.-FinCEN-FY-2023-CJ.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 59. See Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, “Annual Report,” https://www.fincen.gov/annual-report (accessed March 19, 2023). 60. Financial Crimes Enforcement Network, “Suspicious Activity Report Statistics (SAR Stats),” https://www.fincen. gov/reports/sar-stats (accessed March 19, 2023). 61. David R. Burton and Norbert J. Michel, “Financial Privacy in a Free Society,” Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 3157, September 23, 2016, table 1, p. 10, http://thf-reports.s3.amazonaws. com/2016/BG3157.pdf. 62. Ibid., table 2, p. 11. 63. A recent report showed that just 14 surveyed financial institutions spent $2.4 billion on AML/CFT compliance. Bank Policy Institute, “Getting to Effectiveness: Report on U.S. Financial Institution Resources Devoted to BSA/AML & Sanctions Compliance,” October 29, 2018, p. 4, https://bpi.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/ BPI_AML_Sanctions_Study_vF.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023). 64. Burton and Michel, “Financial Privacy in a Free Society;” Norbert J. Michel and Jennifer J. Schulp, “Revising the Bank Secrecy Act to Protect Privacy and Deter Criminals,” Cato Institute Policy Analysis No. 932, July 26, 2022 , https://www.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/2022-07/PA_932_2.pdf (accessed March 19, 2023); Michael Levi and Peter Reuter, “Money Laundering,” Crime and Justice: A Review of Research, Vol. 34 (2006); and Mariano-Florentino Cuellar, “The Tenuous Relationship between the Fight Against Money Laundering and the Disruption of Criminal Finance,” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, Vol. 93, No. 2 (Winter 2003) https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=7123&context=jclc (accessed March 19, 2023). 65. This would be in cooperation with the IRS because Form 8300 is a joint IRS-FinCEN endeavor. 66. This data, as well as AML-CFT convictions, would published be in cooperation with the U.S. Department of Justice.

Introduction

Low 43.0%
Pages: 645-647

— 613 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies l Congress must amend the law so that employers can again have the freedom to make hiring Americans a priority. Despite the significant advantages that preferring citizens over (work-authorized) aliens in hiring would provide to American workers, businesses, and the country at large, such a practice has been illegal since 1986.25 This makes no sense. Alternative View Some conservatives believe that the government has a duty to limit its spending in order to limit how much it takes from American families. This means that when the government spends money, it must find the most econom- ical and effective way to do so. Excessive government spending will be borne by American workers and families through reduced incomes and purchasing power. There may be good reasons to require a certain percentage of American workers on federal contracts, but those decisions should be based on economy and efficiency as opposed to arbitrary quotas. Visa Fraud. American businesses that commit visa fraud and hire illegal immi- grants should not be the beneficiaries of federal spending. But a 2020 report by the Department of Labor’s Office of Inspector General (OIG) examined the depart- ment’s process for excluding employers who commit visa fraud and abuse from federal contracts and found much to be desired. l To protect the American workforce from unscrupulous immigration lawyers, employers, and labor brokers, the department must follow the recommendations of the OIG and institute more robust investigations for suspected visa fraud and speedier debarments for those found guilty. INTERNATIONAL LABOR POLICY Leveling the International Playing Field for Workers. As recent decades of intense import competition and offshoring have made clear, American workers suffer when the U.S. opens its markets to foreign nations’ minimal labor standards and exploitative conditions. While federal law already prohibits the importation of goods produced with forced labor, the prohibitions are toothless without effective means of enforcement and cover only the most basic of workers’ rights. The Trump Administration and its United States Trade Representative (USTR) took unprece- dented steps to redress the issue for workers. The U.S.–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA) contained the strongest and most far-reaching labor provisions of any free trade agreement (FTA), with protections and commitments to reduce labor abuses and raise wages. It also established new modes of enforcement. For future FTAs, the USTR should replicate the labor provisions of USMCA, especially the provisions to: — 614 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Eliminate all forms of forced or compulsory labor. l Protect workers’ rights to organize and participate voluntarily in a union without employer interference or discrimination. l Create a rapid-response mechanism to provide for an independent panel investigation of denial of labor rights at covered facilities. l Shift the burden of proof by presuming that an alleged violation affects trade and investment, unless otherwise demonstrated. For future authorizations of Trade Promotion Authority (TPA), the President should urge Congress to: l Create mechanisms for supply-chain transparency. l Institute a general prohibition on forced labor conditions. Investigate Foreign Labor Violations That Undermine American Work- ers. The United States’ embrace of globalization has exposed American workers to unfair competition from nations with cheap, abundant, and often exploited labor. American workers have, as a consequence, seen their earning power erode. While negotiating stronger trade agreements with robust labor provisions should be the primary tool with which to regulate international labor competition, the federal government can also take steps to identify the worst labor abuses and rule breakers. DOL’s Bureau of International Labor Affairs (ILAB) plays a critical role in monitor- ing and enforcing the labor provisions of U.S. trade agreements and trade preference programs as well as investigating child labor and human trafficking violations. l The next Administration should focus ILAB investigations on foreign labor violations that do the most to damage American workers’ earning power, specifically regimes that engage in child and forced labor, fail to protect workers’ organizing rights, and permit hazardous or otherwise exploitative working conditions. Alternative/Additional View. Conservatives share a belief in protecting and pro- moting American workers and their families and orienting international policies with Americans’ interests first. Some conservatives believe that the best way to put Amer- ica first is by making America more attractive. In addition to restrictions imposed on other countries, removing existing barriers to American manufacturing, employ- ment, and commerce can help American workers, entrepreneurs, and families.

Introduction

Low 41.8%
Pages: 624-626

— 592 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise Overtime Pay Threshold. Overtime pay is one of the most challenging aspects of the Fair Labor Standards Act rules. “Nonexempt workers” (e.g., workers whose job duties fall within the law’s power or whose total pay is low enough) must be paid overtime (150 percent of the “regular rate”) for every hour over 40 in a work- week. Overtime requirements may discourage employers from offering certain fringe benefits such as reimbursement for education, childcare, or even free meals because the benefits’ value may be included in the “regular rate” that must be paid at 150 percent for all overtime hours. And because some of these fringe ben- efits may be more valuable (and often come with tax preferences that benefit the worker), the goal should be to set a threshold to ensure lower-income workers have the protections of overtime pay without discouraging employers from offering these benefits. l DOL should maintain an overtime threshold that does not punish businesses in lower-cost regions (e.g., the southeast United States). The Trump-era threshold is high enough to capture most line workers in lower-cost regions. One possibility to consider (likely requiring congressional action) would be to automatically update the thresholds every five years using the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) as an inflation adjustment. This could reduce the likelihood of a future Administration attempting to make significant changes but would also impose more adjustments on businesses as those automatic increases take hold. l Congress should clarify that the “regular rate” for overtime pay is based on the salary paid rather than all benefits provided. This would enable employers to offer additional benefits to employees without fear that those benefits would dramatically increase overtime pay. l Congress should provide flexibility to employers and employees to calculate the overtime period over a longer number of weeks. Specifically, employers and employees should be able to set a two- or four- week period over which to calculate overtime. This would give workers greater flexibility to work more hours in one week and fewer hours in the next and would not require the employer to pay them more for that same total number of hours of work during the entire period. Compliance-Assistance Programming. Labor agencies are often tempted to encourage “over compliance” by companies subject to regulation by pursuing “regulation through enforcement” strategies. Rather than giving regulated enti- ties clear boundaries for what they can and cannot do under the law, the agencies — 593 — Department of Labor and Related Agencies rely on the vagueness of the law to bring enforcement activity against businesses that fail to meet an inspector or agency head’s personal standard. This is not fair to regulated parties and results in disfavored companies bearing the brunt of the agencies’ enforcement efforts even though their behavior may be within the main- stream of employer behavior. l Labor agencies should provide compliance assistance to help businesses and workers better understand the agencies’ position on their own rules and should do so in a way that makes it easier to follow those rules. This frees people to focus on their work rather than slogging through an ever-growing body of laws, rules, and guidance documents generated by the agencies. Clear and Restrictive Rules on Guidance Documents. Federal agencies not only issue regulations to fill in gaps left by legislation, but also supplement those reg- ulations with “guidance” documents that occupy a unique and often confusing area between law and “helpful advice.” Unfortunately, wielded by overzealous enforcement agents, such guidance, some of it even hidden from public view, morphs into binding law used against unsuspecting employers. Guidance can be a tricky thing and can be used for good or bad. It should be used to make compli- cated regulations easier to understand, so that businesses can do their actual jobs and focus on providing jobs to American workers and value to consumers (really, compliance assistance). But guidance is often used to create new rules overnight without following legal requirements—like giving the public an opportunity to provide valuable input. This wrongful use of guidance hurts workers and those who employ them. In October 2019, President Trump signed an executive order ending this abusive practice and created a new, fairer system for American busi- nesses and their employees. In response, DOL published its PRO Good Guidance rule,10 which expressly limits its use of guidance in enforcement actions and gives the public the opportunity to submit comments to influence the department’s deci- sions on creating, revising, and even rescinding guidance. Under this rule, agencies cannot treat guidance as legally binding and must make all guidance documents readily accessible on their searchable online databases. This rule was immediately rescinded by the Biden Administration. l DOL should reinstitute the PRO Good Guidance rule via notice and comment. l Congress should amend the Administrative Procedure Act11 to explicitly limit the use of guidance documents.

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About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.