Stop Secret Spending Act of 2025

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Bill ID: 119/hr/2069
Last Updated: July 21, 2026

Sponsored by

Rep. Moore, Barry [R-AL-1]

ID: M001212

Follow the money

The bill

Stop Secret Spending Act of 2025

HR. 2069, 119th Congress — read as touching Private Equity & Hedge Funds.

The sponsor

Rep. Moore, Barry [R-AL-1]

Every bill has someone who introduced it. That name is where the paper trail starts.

The money

$62,136 raised

30 itemised contributions to this sponsor, pulled from FEC filings.

The alignment

67% match to Project 2025

This bill's text tracks the "Introduction" section, p. 40-42 of the Mandate for Leadership.

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Received in the Senate.

July 20, 2026

Introduced

Committee Review

Floor Action

Passed House

Senate Review

📍 Current Status

Next: Both chambers must agree on the same version of the bill.

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another masterpiece of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. The "Stop Secret Spending Act of 2025" - because, you know, that's exactly what it does (wink, wink). Let me dissect this farce for you.

First off, the total funding amounts and budget allocations? Oh boy, it's a mystery wrapped in a riddle inside a black hole. The bill doesn't even bother to specify the actual numbers, because who needs transparency when you can just wave your hands and say "trust us"? It's like trying to diagnose a patient without looking at their chart - good luck with that.

As for key programs and agencies receiving funds, it's the usual suspects: the Department of Defense, the Department of Health and Human Services, and other behemoths of bureaucratic inefficiency. Because what's a spending bill without throwing more money at the same old problems? It's like treating a patient with a Band-Aid when they need open-heart surgery.

Notable increases or decreases from previous years? Ha! Don't make me laugh. This bill is a masterclass in obfuscation, with language so vague it makes a politician's promise sound like a binding contract. I mean, who needs actual numbers when you can just say "such sums as may be necessary"? It's like trying to balance a budget with a Ouija board.

Now, about those riders and policy provisions attached to funding... oh boy, where do I even start? It's like a Christmas tree ornamented with pork barrel projects and special interest giveaways. Because what's a spending bill without a few billion dollars in earmarks for the congressman's pet project? It's like prescribing medication to a patient based on their campaign donations.

And finally, the fiscal impact and deficit implications? *crickets* Yeah, don't worry about that minor detail. Just add it to the national credit card and let future generations deal with the tab. After all, who needs fiscal responsibility when you can just kick the can down the road? It's like treating a patient's symptoms without addressing the underlying disease - congratulations, you've just turned a minor illness into a chronic condition.

In conclusion, this bill is a textbook example of legislative malpractice. It's a Frankenstein's monster of a spending bill, stitched together from spare parts and held together with duct tape and wishful thinking. And we're supposed to take it seriously? Please. I've seen high schoolers write better legislation on a napkin during lunch. Wake me up when someone decides to actually address the real problems facing this country - until then, I'll just be over here, face-palming my way through the 119th Congress's greatest hits.

Related Topics

Federal Budget & AppropriationsHealthcare & Insurance ReformDefense Spending & Procurement
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (Dr. Haus personality)

💰 Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Moore, Barry [R-AL-1]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$62,136
18 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$42,236
Committees
$0
Individuals
$19,900

No PAC contributions found

1
WINRED TECHNICAL SERVICES
12 transactions
$15,686
2
WATSON GLASS
2 transactions
$6,600
3
ENTERPRISE TARPAULIN PRODUCTS, INC.
1 transaction
$3,300
4
NORTH MONTGOMERY MATERIALS LLC
1 transaction
$3,300
5
PROFESSIONAL MEDICAL ASSOCIATES, P.C.
1 transaction
$3,300
6
SOUTHLAND STRUCTURAL LLC
1 transaction
$3,300
7
ARGUTA RESOURCES, LLC
1 transaction
$2,500
8
DOBBS EYE CLINIC, P.A.
1 transaction
$1,000
9
TRIPLE T FARMS
1 transaction
$1,000
10
PATRICK COLLINS, LLC
1 transaction
$1,000
11
DELONEY BROTHERS, L.L.C.
1 transaction
$500
12
FILLINGIM FARMS INC.
1 transaction
$500
13
STOKES HOMPLACE TRUST
1 transaction
$250

No committee contributions found

1
GUESS, CHRIS
1 transaction
$5,000
2
TRICK, W.F.
1 transaction
$5,000
3
ALMODOVAR, ANGEL
1 transaction
$3,300
4
CHEN, DEREK
1 transaction
$3,300
5
CORTELYOU, ALYCIA
1 transaction
$3,300

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 3 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Panetta, Jimmy [D-CA-19]

ID: P000613

Top Contributors

10

1
ACROSS THE AISLE PAC
PACWASHINGTON, DC
$1,000
Jan 12, 2023
2
ACROSS THE AISLE PAC
PACWASHINGTON, DC
$500
Mar 23, 2023
3
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
Apr 12, 2023
4
FEDERATED INDIANS OF GRATON RANCHERIA
OrganizationROHNERT PARK, CA
$3,300
Apr 12, 2023
5
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$3,300
Apr 12, 2023
6
EASTERN BAND OF CHEROKEE INDIANS
OrganizationCHEROKEE, NC
$3,300
Oct 16, 2024
7
SYCUAN BAND OF THE KUMEYAAY NATION
OrganizationEL CAJON, CA
$2,500
Nov 9, 2023
8
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$1,700
Apr 12, 2023
9
CROWN, LESTER
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualCHICAGO, IL
$6,600
Aug 9, 2024
10
KIM, SOON
IndividualSANTA CRUZ, CA
$4,300
Sep 30, 2024

Rep. Goodlander, Maggie [D-NH-2]

ID: G000604

Top Contributors

10

1
MCLAUGHLIN, JANE
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualLYME, NH
$4,500
Aug 24, 2024
2
FLORY, ROBERT H. JR
FLORY INVESTMENTS, INC.PRESIDENT
IndividualDAMARISCOTTA, ME
$4,100
Sep 30, 2024
3
FLORY, ROBERT H. JR
FLORY INVESTMENTS, INC.PRESIDENT
IndividualDAMARISCOTTA, ME
$4,100
Sep 30, 2024
4
KRAUSZ, STEVEN
US VENTURE PARTNERSVENTURE CAPITAL
IndividualPORTOLA VALLEY, CA
$3,300
Oct 23, 2024
5
HIRSHBERG, GARY
STONYFIELD FARM INC.SENIOR ADVISOR
IndividualCONCORD, NH
$3,300
Oct 22, 2024
6
DRAKE, LAWRENCE C JR
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualPORTSMOUTH, NH
$3,300
Oct 19, 2024
7
CUTLER, DOULGAS
CUTLER MANAGEMENT CORPMANAGEMENT
IndividualDANIA, FL
$3,300
Oct 17, 2024
8
JAMES, AMABEL
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualNEW YORK, NY
$3,300
Oct 24, 2024
9
NUNNELLY, MARK
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualDOVER, MA
$3,300
Oct 21, 2024
10
ROBY, DAVID M.
NOT EMPLOYEDNOT EMPLOYED
IndividualLYME, NH
$3,300
Oct 28, 2024

Rep. Hageman, Harriet M. [R-WY-At Large]

ID: H001096

Top Contributors

10

1
COW CREEK BAND OF UMPQUA TRIBE OF INDIANS
OrganizationROSEBURG, OR
$5,000
Aug 6, 2024
2
PUYALLUP TRIBE OF INDIANS
OrganizationTACOMA, WA
$3,700
Mar 4, 2024
3
CHEROKEE NATION
OrganizationTAHLEQUAH, OK
$3,300
Dec 22, 2023
4
PECHANGA BAND OF INDIANS
OrganizationTEMECULA, CA
$3,300
Dec 22, 2023
5
SHAKOPEE MDEWAKANTON SIOUX COMMUNITY
OrganizationPRIOR LAKE, MN
$3,300
Nov 6, 2023
6
SHINGLE SPRINGS BAND MIWOK INDIANS
OrganizationSHINGLE SPRINGS, CA
$3,300
Dec 22, 2023
7
MORONGO BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
OrganizationBANNING, CA
$3,300
Mar 29, 2024
8
HPUL PROJECT OPERATIONS
OrganizationUPPER LAKE, CA
$3,300
Sep 6, 2024
9
MUCKLESHOOT INDIAN TRIBE
OrganizationAUBURN, WA
$3,300
Sep 6, 2024
10
AK-CHIN INDIAN COMMUNITY OPERATIONS ACCOUNT
OrganizationMARICOPA, AZ
$3,300
Sep 13, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Moore, Barry [R-AL-1]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 32 nodes and 39 connections (32 secondary connections hidden)

Total contributions: $91,636

Top Donors - Rep. Moore, Barry [R-AL-1]

Showing top 18 donors by contribution amount

13 Orgs5 Individuals

Industry Impact

Which industries are materially affected by specific provisions in this bill. 3 harmed.

  • Section 2(a) and (d) imply increased transparency requirements for other transaction agreements, which may affect private equity firms involved in such agreements

  • Defense Contractorsconfidence 0.70

    Section 2(d)(2) mentions relevant agencies that have the authority to enter into other transaction agreements, which could include defense contractors, implying increased reporting requirements

  • Cybersecurityconfidence 0.60

    Section 3(b)(1)(A) and (c) discuss data quality and verification, potentially affecting cybersecurity firms that handle sensitive information

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document.

Introduction

Moderate66.6%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

Introduction

Moderate66.6%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

Introduction

Moderate62.2%
Pages: 316-318

— 283 — Section Three THE GENERAL WELFARE When our Founders wrote in the Constitution that the federal government w ould “promote the general Welfare,” they could not have fathomed a m assive bureaucracy that would someday spend $3 trillion in a single year—roughly the sum, combined, spent by the departments covered in this section in 2022. Approximately half of that colossal sum was spent by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) alone—the belly of the massive behemoth that is the modern administrative state. HHS is home to Medicare and Medicaid, the principal drivers of our $31 trillion national debt. When Congress passed and President Lyndon B. Johnson signed into law these programs, they were set on autopilot with no plan for how to pay for them. The first year that Medicare spending was visible on the books was 1967. From that point on through 2020—according to the American Main Street Initia- tive’s analysis of official federal tallies—Medicare and Medicaid combined cost $17.8 trillion, while our combined federal deficits over that same span were $17.9 trillion. In essence, our deficit problem is a Medicare and Medicaid problem. HHS is also home to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the duo most responsible—along with President Joe Biden—for the irrational, destructive, un-American mask and vaccine mandates that were imposed upon an ostensibly free people during the COVID-19 pandemic. All along, it was clear from randomized controlled trials— the gold standard of medical research—that masks provide little to no benefit in preventing the spread of viruses and might even be counterproductive. Yet the CDC ignored these high-quality RCTs, cherry-picked from politically malleable — 284 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise “observational studies,” and declared that everyone except children and infants below the age of two should don masks. Under COVID, as former director of HHS’s Office of Civil Rights Roger Severino writes in Chapter 14, the CDC exposed itself as “perhaps the most incompetent and arrogant agency in the federal government.” Nor is the CDC the only villain in this play. Severino writes of the National Institutes of Health, “Despite its popular image as a benign science agency, NIH was responsible for paying for research in aborted baby body parts, human animal chimera experiments”—in which the genes of humans and animals are mixed, “and gain-of-function viral research that may have been responsible for COVID-19.” Severino writes that “Anthony Fauci’s division of the NIH”—the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases—“owns half the patent for the Moderna COVID- 19 vaccine,” and “several NIH employees” receive “up to $150,000 annually from Moderna vaccine sales.” That would be the same experimental mRNA vaccine that the CDC now wants to force on children, who are at little to no risk from COVID-19 but at great risk from public health officials. The incestuous relationship between the NIH, CDC, and vaccine makers—with all of the conflict of interest it entails—cannot be allowed to continue, and the revolving door between them must be locked. As Severino writes, “Funding for scientific research should not be controlled by a small group of highly paid and unaccountable insiders at the NIH, many of whom stay in power for decades. The NIH monopoly on directing research should be broken.” What’s more, NIH has long “been at the forefront in pushing junk gender science.” The next HHS secretary should immediately put an end to the department’s foray into woke transgen- der activism. HHS also pushes abortion as a form of “health care,” skirting and sometimes blatantly defying the Hyde Amendment in the process. Severino writes that the “FDA should…reverse its approval of chemical abortion drugs because the polit- icized approval process was illegal from the start.” In addition, HHS programs often violate the spirit, and sometimes the letter, of conscience-protection laws. Severino writes that the HHS “Secretary should pursue a robust agenda to pro- tect the fundamental right to life, protect conscience rights, and uphold bodily integrity rooted in biological realities, not ideology.” The next secretary should also reverse the Biden Administration’s focus on “‘LGBTQ+ equity,’ subsidizing single-motherhood, disincentivizing work, and penalizing marriage,” replacing such policies with those encouraging marriage, work, motherhood, fatherhood, and nuclear families. If there is another department that has gone off the rails like HHS during the Obama and Biden Administrations, it is the once proud Department of Justice (DOJ). As former counselor to the attorney general Gene Hamilton writes in Chap- ter 17, the department “has a long and noble history”—Edmund Randolph, the first attorney general, took office the same year as President Washington—yet its

Showing 3 of 4 policy matches

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.

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