Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act
Download PDFSponsored by
Rep. Wagner, Ann [R-MO-2]
ID: W000812
Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law
Track this bill's progress through the legislative process
Latest Action
Invalid Date
Introduced
đź“Ť Current Status
Next: The bill will be reviewed by relevant committees who will debate, amend, and vote on it.
Committee Review
Floor Action
Passed Senate
House Review
Passed Congress
Presidential Action
Became Law
đź“š How does a bill become a law?
1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.
2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.
3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.
4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.
5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.
6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.
7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!
Bill Summary
Another masterpiece of legislative theater, brought to you by the esteemed members of Congress. Let's dissect this farce, shall we?
**Main Purpose & Objectives:** The Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act (HR 1512) claims to "amend" the Taiwan Assurance Act of 2020. Ah, yes, because what the world really needed was another layer of bureaucratic red tape and pointless reporting requirements. The main purpose? To create more busywork for State Department bureaucrats and provide a fig leaf of accountability.
**Key Provisions & Changes to Existing Law:** The bill requires the Secretary of State to conduct periodic reviews (every five years, because who needs urgency in foreign policy?) of the department's Taiwan guidelines and submit updated reports to Congress. Oh, joy! More paperwork and opportunities for politicians to grandstand. The "changes" are merely cosmetic, adding more verbiage to an already Byzantine process.
**Affected Parties & Stakeholders:** The usual suspects: State Department bureaucrats, congressional committees, and the Taiwanese government (which will likely be confused by the mixed signals emanating from Washington). Oh, and let's not forget the real stakeholders – the defense contractors and lobbyists who'll benefit from this bill's implicit promise of increased military aid to Taiwan.
**Potential Impact & Implications:** This bill is a classic case of "legislative placebo." It creates the illusion of action while accomplishing nothing meaningful. The impact? More bureaucratic inertia, more opportunities for corruption, and more taxpayer dollars wasted on redundant reporting requirements. The implications? A further erosion of trust in government, as voters realize they're being fed empty calories instead of real policy solutions.
Diagnosis: This bill suffers from a severe case of "Legislative Attention Deficit Disorder" (LADD). Symptoms include:
* Excessive use of buzzwords ("periodic reviews," "updated reports") * Overemphasis on process over substance * A complete lack of tangible benefits or meaningful reforms
Treatment? A healthy dose of skepticism, followed by a strong prescription of critical thinking and a dash of common sense. Unfortunately, these are in short supply among our esteemed lawmakers.
In conclusion, HR 1512 is a textbook example of legislative malpractice – a pointless exercise in bureaucratic navel-gazing that accomplishes nothing except to further enrich the special interests and confuse the public. Bravo, Congress!
Related Topics
đź’° Campaign Finance Network
Rep. Wagner, Ann [R-MO-2]
Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle
No PAC contributions found
No committee contributions found
Donor Network - Rep. Wagner, Ann [R-MO-2]
Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.
Showing 28 nodes and 30 connections
Total contributions: $249,909
Top Donors - Rep. Wagner, Ann [R-MO-2]
Showing top 25 donors by contribution amount
Project 2025 Policy Matches
This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.
Introduction
— 691 — 22 DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY William L. Walton, Stephen Moore, and David R. Burton INTRODUCTION The U.S. Treasury Department has a broad regulatory and policy reach. The next Administration should make major policy changes to: (1) reduce regulatory impediments to economic growth that reduce living standards and endanger pros- perity; (2) reduce regulatory compliance costs that increase prices and cost jobs; (3) promote fiscal responsibility; (4) promote the international competitiveness of U.S. businesses; and (5) better respect the American people’s due process and privacy rights. These goals should be accomplished through: executive action (primar- ily treasury orders and treasury directives) and departmental reorganization; rulemakings; promoting constructive policies in Congress; actions in international organizations; and treaties. The primary subject matter focus of the incoming Administration’s Treasury Department should be: l Tax policy and tax administration; l Fiscal responsibility; l Improved financial regulation; l Addressing the economic and financial aspects of the geopolitical threat posed by China and other hostile countries; — 692 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Reform of the anti-money laundering and beneficial ownership reporting systems; l Reversal of the racist “equity” agenda of the Biden Administration; and l Reversal of the economically destructive and ineffective climate-related financial-risk agenda of the Biden Administration. BIDEN ADMINISTRATION TREASURY DEPARTMENT The Biden Administration Treasury Department has failed badly in achieving every one of the agency’s core objectives. The financial affairs of the nation have seldom been in worse condition, with the national debt expanding by more than $4 trillion in Biden’s first two years in office. No President in modern times—perhaps ever—has been more fiscally reckless than has the Biden Administration. The soundness and stability of U.S. currency, the dollar, has been put at risk because of the worst inflation in four decades. American families have been made poorer by Biden’s economic strategy of taxing, spending, borrowing, regulating, and printing money. The average family has seen real annual earn- ings fall about $6,000 during the Biden Administration.1 In 2022, the average American’s 401(k) plan dropped in value from $130,700 to $103,900—more than 20 percent.2 Why has the Biden Administration failed to achieve virtually all components of its mission? Under the leadership of Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, the depart- ment has made “equity” and “climate change” among its top five priorities. The next Administration must act decisively to curtail activities that fall outside Trea- sury’s mandate and primary mission. Treasury must refocus on its core missions of promoting economic growth, prosperity, and economic stability. For a clear statement of Treasury’s mission drift, one need look no further than Secretary Yellen’s introduction in the Treasury Department’s Fiscal Year 2022–2026 Strategic Plan: We will have to address the structural problems that have plagued our economy for decades: the decline in labor force participation, income and racial inequality, and serious underinvestment in crucial public goods like childcare, education, and physical infrastructure. And then there are rising challenges, like climate change, which, left unchecked, will undermine every aspect of our economy from supply chains to the financial system.3 Treasury’s mission drift into a “woke” agenda, is exemplified in a comparison of Domestic Finance’s changed responsibilities from 2015 to 2023:
Introduction
— 691 — 22 DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY William L. Walton, Stephen Moore, and David R. Burton INTRODUCTION The U.S. Treasury Department has a broad regulatory and policy reach. The next Administration should make major policy changes to: (1) reduce regulatory impediments to economic growth that reduce living standards and endanger pros- perity; (2) reduce regulatory compliance costs that increase prices and cost jobs; (3) promote fiscal responsibility; (4) promote the international competitiveness of U.S. businesses; and (5) better respect the American people’s due process and privacy rights. These goals should be accomplished through: executive action (primar- ily treasury orders and treasury directives) and departmental reorganization; rulemakings; promoting constructive policies in Congress; actions in international organizations; and treaties. The primary subject matter focus of the incoming Administration’s Treasury Department should be: l Tax policy and tax administration; l Fiscal responsibility; l Improved financial regulation; l Addressing the economic and financial aspects of the geopolitical threat posed by China and other hostile countries;
Introduction
— 823 — Trade 77. Luis Martinez, “How Much Should We Trust the Dictator’s GDP Growth Estimates?” Becker–Friedman Institute for Economics at the University of Chicago, Working Paper No. 2021-78, July 2021, https://bfi.uchicago.edu/ wp-content/uploads/2021/07/BFI_WP_2021-78.pdf (accessed February 21, 2023). 78. Nicholas R. Lardy, The State Strikes Back: The End of Economic Reform in China? (Washington: Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2019); Elizabeth C. Economy, The Third Revolution: Xi Jinping and the New Chinese State (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2018). — 825 — Section Five INDEPENDENT REGULATORY AGENCIES In addition to the executive departments and agencies discussed previously, a number of independent commissions exist that are loosely affiliated with the executive branch. In general, the President can appoint people to these commissions but cannot remove them, which makes them constitutionally prob- lematic in light of the Constitution’s having vested federal executive power in the President. Nevertheless, they exist, their constitutional legitimacy has generally been upheld by the courts, and there will be an opportunity for the next Adminis- tration to use them as forces for good, particularly by making wise appointments. Few appointments to these commissions will be as important as the President’s selection of the next chairman of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). In Chapter 28, FCC Commissioner Brendan Carr writes that the FCC chairman “is empowered with significant authority that is not shared” with other FCC members. Under a new chairman, he writes, “[t]he FCC needs to change course and bring new urgency to achieving four main goals: [r]eining in Big Tech; [p]romoting national security; [u]nleashing economic prosperity; and [e]nsuring FCC accountability and good governance.” “The FCC,” writes Carr, “has an important role to play in addressing the threats to individual liberty posed by corporations that are abusing dominant positions in the market.” Nowhere is that clearer “than when it comes to Big Tech and its attempts to drive diverse political viewpoints from the digital town square.” Carr writes that the FCC should require more transparency from Big Tech, which today “offers a black box.” And it should issue “an order that interprets Section 230”— which provides protection from legal liability to online computer services that
Showing 3 of 5 policy matches
About These Correlations
Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.