Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States to prohibit Members of Congress from receiving compensation during a fiscal year unless both Houses of Congress have agreed to a concurrent resolution on the budget for that fiscal year prior to the beginning of that fiscal year.

Download PDF
Bill ID: 119/hjres/7
Last Updated: March 15, 2025

Sponsored by

Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]

ID: F000466

Bill's Journey to Becoming a Law

Track this bill's progress through the legislative process

Latest Action

Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.

January 3, 2025

Introduced

Committee Review

📍 Current Status

Next: The bill moves to the floor for full chamber debate and voting.

🗳️

Floor Action

âś…

Passed House

🏛️

Senate Review

🎉

Passed Congress

🖊️

Presidential Action

⚖️

Became Law

📚 How does a bill become a law?

1. Introduction: A member of Congress introduces a bill in either the House or Senate.

2. Committee Review: The bill is sent to relevant committees for study, hearings, and revisions.

3. Floor Action: If approved by committee, the bill goes to the full chamber for debate and voting.

4. Other Chamber: If passed, the bill moves to the other chamber (House or Senate) for the same process.

5. Conference: If both chambers pass different versions, a conference committee reconciles the differences.

6. Presidential Action: The President can sign the bill into law, veto it, or take no action.

7. Became Law: If signed (or if Congress overrides a veto), the bill becomes law!

Bill Summary

Another brilliant example of legislative theater, courtesy of the 119th Congress. This bill is a masterclass in pretending to address a problem while actually doing nothing. It's like prescribing a placebo to a patient with a terminal illness – it might make them feel better for a hot second, but ultimately, it's just a waste of time.

Let's dissect this farce. The bill proposes an amendment to the Constitution that would prohibit Members of Congress from receiving compensation during a fiscal year unless both Houses agree on a concurrent resolution on the budget prior to the beginning of that fiscal year. Wow, what a bold move! It's like they're saying, "Hey, we know we can't actually pass a budget on time, but let's pretend to care about it by proposing an amendment that will never pass!"

Now, let's look at the actual funding amounts and budget allocations. Oh wait, there aren't any. This bill is just a hollow shell of a proposal with no substance whatsoever. It's like a patient coming in with a complaint of "I don't feel well" without any symptoms or diagnosis. What am I supposed to do with that?

As for key programs and agencies receiving funds, forget about it. This bill doesn't even pretend to address the actual budget. It's all just a smokescreen to distract from the fact that Congress can't get its act together.

Notable increases or decreases? Ha! There aren't any. This bill is a zero-sum game, folks. No one wins, and everyone loses – especially taxpayers who will continue to foot the bill for this legislative circus.

Riders or policy provisions attached to funding? Please. This bill doesn't even have any funding to attach riders to. It's like trying to put lipstick on a pig – it's still just a pig.

Fiscal impact and deficit implications? Oh boy, where do I even start? This bill will have zero impact on the fiscal situation because it won't actually change anything. It's just a symbolic gesture designed to make Congress look like they care about responsible governance. Newsflash: they don't.

In conclusion, this bill is a joke – a bad one. It's a waste of time and taxpayer money, and it will accomplish exactly nothing. But hey, at least it makes for good theater. Now, if you'll excuse me, I have better things to do than watch Congress pretend to govern.

Related Topics

Civil Rights & Liberties Transportation & Infrastructure National Security & Intelligence Congressional Rules & Procedures Criminal Justice & Law Enforcement Small Business & Entrepreneurship State & Local Government Affairs Government Operations & Accountability Federal Budget & Appropriations
Generated using Llama 3.1 70B (house personality)

đź’° Campaign Finance Network

Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]

Congress 119 • 2024 Election Cycle

Total Contributions
$136,000
12 donors
PACs
$0
Organizations
$2,000
Committees
$0
Individuals
$134,000

No PAC contributions found

1
SANTA YNEZ BAND OF MISSION INDIANS
1 transaction
$1,500
2
STATA FAMILY OFFICE
1 transaction
$500

No committee contributions found

1
EVANS, ROGER
4 transactions
$26,400
2
ASHER, ROBERT B.
2 transactions
$20,000
3
LEVY, EDWARD JR
2 transactions
$13,200
4
CROTTY, THOMAS
2 transactions
$13,200
5
LEACH, RONALD
2 transactions
$13,200
6
MCCLAIN, MARK
2 transactions
$13,200
7
MERINOFF, CHARLES
2 transactions
$13,200
8
MCKNIGHT, AMY
2 transactions
$10,000
9
ROSE, DEEDIE
1 transaction
$6,600
10
BORCHERT, TRICIA
1 transaction
$5,000

Cosponsors & Their Campaign Finance

This bill has 1 cosponsors. Below are their top campaign contributors.

Rep. Bresnahan, Robert [R-PA-8]

ID: B001327

Top Contributors

10

1
TAMBUR, ROBERT L.
TFP LIMITED • OWNER
Individual SHAVERTOWN, PA
$13,200
Dec 31, 2023
2
BATMASIAN, JAMES
INVESTMENTS LIMITED • OWNER
Individual BOCA RATON, FL
$7,906
Jun 30, 2024
3
BATMASIAN, JAMES
Individual BOCA RATON, FL
$7,906
Jun 30, 2024
4
BRESNAHAN, DODIE
WYOMING ELECTRIC SIGNAL INC • VP
Individual PITTSTON, PA
$6,600
Dec 27, 2023
5
CONFORTI, ANGELO
KUHARCHIK CONSTRUCTION LLC • MANAGER
Individual DUPONT, PA
$6,600
Dec 31, 2023
6
KUHARCHIK, RHODA
NONE • RETIRED
Individual WEST PITTSTON, PA
$6,600
Dec 30, 2023
7
CAMERON, RONALD
MOUNTAIRE CORP • CHAIRMAN
Individual LITTLE ROCK, AR
$6,600
Feb 9, 2024
8
EMMET, RICHARD
NONE • RETIRED
Individual LARCHMONT, NY
$6,600
Feb 22, 2024
9
GILLIAM, RICHARD
CUMBERLAND DEVELOPMENT • MANAGER
Individual CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA
$6,600
Feb 8, 2024
10
GRIFFIN, KENNETH
CITADEL • CEO
Individual MIAMI, FL
$6,600
Apr 1, 2024

Donor Network - Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]

PACs
Organizations
Individuals
Politicians

Hub layout: Politicians in center, donors arranged by type in rings around them.

Loading...

Showing 16 nodes and 25 connections

Total contributions: $165,012

Top Donors - Rep. Fitzpatrick, Brian K. [R-PA-1]

Showing top 12 donors by contribution amount

2 Orgs10 Individuals

Project 2025 Policy Matches

This bill shows semantic similarity to the following sections of the Project 2025 policy document. Higher similarity scores indicate stronger thematic connections.

Introduction

Moderate 65.3%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes; — 8 — Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise l Bureaucrats at the Department of Homeland Security, following the lead of a feckless Administration, order border and immigration enforcement agencies to help migrants criminally enter our country with impunity; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Education inject racist, anti-American, ahistorical propaganda into America’s classrooms; l Bureaucrats at the Department of Justice force school districts to undermine girls’ sports and parents’ rights to satisfy transgender extremists; l Woke bureaucrats at the Pentagon force troops to attend “training” seminars about “white privilege”; and l Bureaucrats at the State Department infuse U.S. foreign aid programs with woke extremism about “intersectionality” and abortion.3 Unaccountable federal spending is the secret lifeblood of the Great Awokening. Nearly every power center held by the Left is funded or supported, one way or another, through the bureaucracy by Congress. Colleges and school districts are funded by tax dollars. The Administrative State holds 100 percent of its power at the sufferance of Congress, and its insulation from presidential discipline is an unconstitutional fairy tale spun by the Washington Establishment to protect its turf. Members of Congress shield themselves from constitutional accountability often when the White House allows them to get away with it. Cultural institutions like public libraries and public health agencies are only as “independent” from public accountability as elected officials and voters permit. Let’s be clear: The most egregious regulations promulgated by the current Administration come from one place: the Oval Office. The President cannot hide behind the agencies; as his many executive orders make clear, his is the respon- sibility for the regulations that threaten American communities, schools, and families. A conservative President must move swiftly to do away with these vast abuses of presidential power and remove the career and political bureaucrats who fuel it. Properly considered, restoring fiscal limits and constitutional accountability to the federal government is a continuation of restoring national sovereignty to the American people. In foreign affairs, global strategy, federal budgeting and pol- icymaking, the same pattern emerges again and again. Ruling elites slash and tear at restrictions and accountability placed on them. They centralize power up and away from the American people: to supra-national treaties and organizations, to left-wing “experts,” to sight-unseen all-or-nothing legislating, to the unelected career bureaucrats of the Administrative State.

Introduction

Moderate 65.3%
Pages: 40-42

— 7 — Foreword Instead, party leaders negotiate one multitrillion-dollar spending bill—several thousand pages long—and then vote on it before anyone, literally, has had a chance to read it. Debate time is restricted. Amendments are prohibited. And all of this is backed up against a midnight deadline when the previous “omnibus” spending bill will run out and the federal government “shuts down.” This process is not designed to empower 330 million American citizens and their elected representatives, but rather to empower the party elites secretly nego- tiating without any public scrutiny or oversight. In the end, congressional leaders’ behavior and incentives here are no differ- ent from those of global elites insulating policy decisions—over the climate, trade, public health, you name it—from the sovereignty of national electorates. Public scrutiny and democratic accountability make life harder for policymakers—so they skirt it. It’s not dysfunction; it’s corruption. And despite its gaudy price tag, the federal budget is not even close to the worst example of this corruption. That distinction belongs to the “Administrative State,” the dismantling of which must a top priority for the next conservative President. The term Administrative State refers to the policymaking work done by the bureaucracies of all the federal government’s departments, agencies, and millions of employees. Under Article I of the Constitution, “All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” That is, federal law is enacted only by elected legislators in both houses of Congress. This exclusive authority was part of the Framers’ doctrine of “separated powers.” They not only split the federal government’s legislative, executive, and judicial powers into different branches. They also gave each branch checks over the others. Under our Constitution, the legislative branch—Congress—is far and away the most powerful and, correspondingly, the most accountable to the people. In recent decades, members of the House and Senate discovered that if they give away that power to the Article II branch of government, they can also deny responsi- bility for its actions. So today in Washington, most policy is no longer set by Congress at all, but by the Administrative State. Given the choice between being powerful but vulnerable or irrelevant but famous, most Members of Congress have chosen the latter. Congress passes intentionally vague laws that delegate decision-making over a given issue to a federal agency. That agency’s bureaucrats—not just unelected but seemingly un-fireable—then leap at the chance to fill the vacuum created by Congress’s preening cowardice. The federal government is growing larger and less constitutionally accountable—even to the President—every year. l A combination of elected and unelected bureaucrats at the Environmental Protection Agency quietly strangles domestic energy production through difficult-to-understand rulemaking processes;

About These Correlations

Policy matches are calculated using semantic similarity between bill summaries and Project 2025 policy text. A score of 60% or higher indicates meaningful thematic overlap. This does not imply direct causation or intent, but highlights areas where legislation aligns with Project 2025 policy objectives.